Tau Tawengwa
The 2018 harmonised elections are on this month and the nation seems enthusiastic to vote in this historic poll.

Apart from the cowardly and barbaric act of terrorism that we recently witnessed at a Zanu-PF rally in Bulawayo, this has been a peaceful campaign.

It is noteworthy to mention that all the major political players in the country have appended their signatures to a code of conduct which compels them to campaign peacefully.

On the political front, it has been interesting to observe the campaign rallies at which parties have been presenting themselves and their visions to the Zimbabwean public.

While the likes of Thokazani Khupe and Joice Mujuru have put themselves forward as Presidential candidates, the truth is that they have proven to be politically insubstantial and are therefore unlikely to make a significant mark on the 2018 election.

The same is true with respect to Ambrose Mutinhiri and his project. I will be surprised if they get even one percent of the total Presidential vote.

What is clear to all and sundry is that this election is centred on Zanu-PF.

While staunch supporters of MDC-Alliance leader Nelson Chamisa insist he stands a real chance of winning, I will explain here why his political paranoia since Morgan Tsvangirai’s death has impacted negatively on his aspirations.

I will also explain why President Emmerson Mnangagwa and Zanu-PF have a winning strategy.

Seeing ghosts

Earlier this year I made the argument that Chamisa acted with undue haste when Tsvangirai died on February 14.

Before Tsvangirai was even buried, Chamisa and his faction were holding meetings and endorsing themselves as successors.

While the youthful and concurrently politically immature Chamisa thought it wise to grab the seat of power then, he is now feeling the repercussions of his ill-advised move.

The way in which he violently and arrogantly treated Khuphe was his first and greatest mistake.

While he denies any involvement in the assault on Khupe at Tsvangirai’s burial in Buhera, the truth is that no one believes him.

Now, 29 days before the polls, Chamisa is in a predicament because in scores of constituencies there is an MDC Alliance candidate (aligned to Chamisa) and an MDC-T candidate (aligned to Khupe).

The danger of this to Nelson Chamisa, is that with less than a month to the election, there is not enough time to conduct voter education across the country and teach would-be MDC Alliance supporters that there is a difference between MDC Alliance and MDC-T.

This will split votes between MDC-T and MDC Alliance countrywide, meaning Chamisa’s Presidential bid will almost certainly fail.

Secondly, when Chamisa’s faction of the MDC-T held its primary elections, we saw the young man’s lust for power laid bare again.

The so-called democratic party held primary elections that were littered with reports of violence and vote rigging.

Furthermore, well-known and experienced politicians were downplayed and defeated in those elections, allegedly at the instigation of Chamisa himself.

Such politicians include party vice-president Elias Mudzuri and legislator for Mabvuku/Tafara James Maridadi.

The alleged machinations of Chamisa during those party primary elections led to 25 notable members of his party choosing to contest as independents in their various constituencies come July 30.

This has led to Chamisa expelling these twenty-five members from his party, including Jesse Majome.

It goes without saying that this will further split the MDC Alliance’s vote and further diminish Chamisa’s Presidential dreams.

Now, I find it laughable to read reports of Chamisa claiming that the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission and Khupe are jointly rigging the election.

This is not only laughable but also shows Chamisa’s immaturity.

He needs to learn that every action has an equal and opposite reaction, and this is as true in physics as it is in politics.

His violent and thuggish power grab after Tsvangirai’s death coupled with his skullduggery during his faction’s primary elections are political actions that will eventually destroy his political career.

Everyone knows he didn’t want Majome, Maridadi and Mudzuri re-elected because they stand as threats to his power ambitions when his MDC-T faction finally convenes a congress.

Faced with defeat on July 30, Chamisa is paranoid and seeing political ghosts. He thinks everyone is out to get him and yet he has clumsily stepped on toes all over the country.

Road to victory

As stated earlier, apart from the tragic Bulawayo bombing, Zanu-PF has conducted a well-oiled, multi-faceted and balanced campaign.

Even senior MDC-T official, Eddie Cross, has predicted this election as the best the country has held since 1964.

President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s “Open for Business” campaign is what everyone wants to hear, both in and out of Zimbabwe, and this will bear fruit on election day.

And given that in many constituencies across Zimbabwe, votes will be split between MDC-T and MDC Alliance, it is clear that Zanu-PF has a clearer road to victory on July 30, 2018.

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When President Emmerson Mnangagwa drove 75km north of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania to Bagamoyo last Friday morning, he might as well have been in a time machine as meandered more than 50 years back to when he as a 20-year-old Zimbabwean undergoing military training.

The visit to what is now a town but was then just a village on the edge of the Indian Ocean opened a door to room that is deep and rich in the history of comradeship in the fight against colonialism.

It is here that more than 60 cadres – in whose ranks were a young Joaquim Chissano, six Zimbabweans (among them ED and Dumiso Dabengwa, and five South Africans – pioneered a military camp in 1963.

Alighting from his vehicle, President Mnangagwa and his obligatory national flag-themed scarf sauntered on a red carpet whose edges were chequered with Tanzania’s national colours.

Anyone could tell he had been here before, and that Bagamoyo induces a plethora of memories for Zimbabwe’s leader.

“I am extremely delighted to be here again. I was here 58 years ago. When we came here it was a bush; we had to clear this place; we were very few. There were 59 comrades from Frelimo and six from Rhodesia, five from South Africa. We were the original team,” said President Mnangagwa.

“I was telling my colleague here (Tanzania’s President John Magufuli) that it took us a full day to go to Dar es Salaam; now you can be here in (a matter) of hours.

“At that time, it was the beginning of the revolution, the armed struggle. Frelimo was ahead of us. This was their first camp. We had people like Chissano. We were young boys together when we begun this camp. I was responsible for security at the camp.

“This was about May-June 1963. I think most of you were not there and if you were there, you were very young,” he said.

Until Friday, part of this rich tapestry of history has hitherto remained hidden under his seemingly extremely reserved demeanour.

President Mnangagwa is known in leadership circles for talking little, but doing much. Theodore Roosevelt would say he speaks softly and carries a big stick.

Anyway, after this brief introduction, then came the big revelation of the day as ED recounted a colourful and savoury detail his year-long stay at Bagamoyo.

“I am so pleased that it has developed, it has become a college. It has always been my desire to come here. We used to – after clearing, working and having our drills and so on, on weekends – be allowed to go to the villages. This town was very small; it was a small village.

“I cannot say some of the things we were doing. I had a friend called John Mawawa – he was South African. We had become friends. We used to sneak out of the camp at night and go into the villages. But my friend is now late – he was hanged in South Africa later on,” he said.

“To the community, I am sure most of you are members of this institution. I am one of you; you looked after me at that time. We used to – well, I will say it – there was what they called Pombe, some kind of beer (a local brew).

“Now, what we will do – they are a very few who can remember – we would steal some tablets from the clinic and go and buy beer with tablets, but we didn’t know what they were used for. Some were brown, some green, some white and we agreed that this is for the stomach, this is for headches and then we would buy beer. Fortunately, no one died.”

Unsurprisingly, such a self-deprecatory account from the President solicited bouts of gratuitous laughter from the audience.

On this detail, Presidential Spokesperson Mr George Charamba interjected: “It was a good currency!”

Time has claimed some of President Mnangagwa’s comrades-in-arms.

He has beaten the odds to stand as President of Zimbabwe today: a colonial hangman’s noose, a brutal liberation struggle, poisoning attempts in the past couple of years, and a suspected grenade attack just over a week ago.

On Friday, ED reminisced on his time at Bagamoyo, and thanked President Magufuli for bringing him back in time.

“Initially we had tents for our accommodation. I then went that same year and went to China for my military training. But I have always thought I must come back and see this area,” said President Mnangagwa.

Kaole Wazizi College of Agriculture now stands on the site, and President Mnangagwa made a cash donation of $10 000 to the institution.

After his address, college officials – who described him as one of the “viable projects” from the camp – took the opportunity to show him a metallic contraption, which was passed off as a cooking pot that nourished him and his fellow comrades more than half-a-century ago.

As he made the journey back to Dar es Salaam, the heavens opened up and the rains seemingly fell on a historically colossal figure who today straddles an intergenerational landscape in a new Zimbabwe.

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No wonder why some had suggested that little Chamisa instead of being big-headed and seeking glory should have gone for a National Assembly seat instead of vying for the presidency. Of course, this is now all water under the bridge, but attending the political burial of such a fine young man will be very painful.

In case dear congregants you haven’t noticed, we are already in the month of the historic elections – it’s on July 30 to be precise. That tough as a nut Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Iron Lady, Justice Priscilla Chigumba was dead right – only an earthquake can stop this election.

We are not about to have an earthquake and so in 29 days, Zimbabweans will decide between transformational politics as represented by President Mnangagwa and transactional politics, represented by little Nelson Chamisa. Neither Twitter nor flimsy court cases can stop this election. Grenades can’t cause an earthquake and so they too can’t stop this election.

In the next 29 days, let’s brace ourselves for some political turbulence, political theatrics, political systematics and even political tomfoolery. The devil has even started throwing some grenades, but fear not dear congregants for in Isaiah 41 vs 10, the Almighty God gives us assurance: “So do not fear, for I am with you; do not be dismayed, for I am your God. I will strengthen you and help you; I will uphold you with my righteous right hand.”

I will begin this sermon with a question that has been troubling me for months. What is worse is that as July 30 is fast approaching, this question is ringing much louder in my ears. Some will think Bishop Lazarus is just being mischievous, others will quickly conclude that Bishop Lazarus now has a short circuit between the ears.

Yet, this Bishop will ask the question boldly and sincerely – Is little Chamisa working with or working for Zanu-PF? This reads like the dumbest question ever, but for someone with a critical eye, little Chamisa anoita kunge mutumwa weZANU-PF. Kana ndiho hupwere hwacho?

Like I said, its 29 days to election day and little Chamisa is still twiddling with minor matters. To start with, Bishop Lazarus and I am sure many other sober-thinking Zimbabweans out there are wondering why little Chamisa thinks his one-man show campaigns can win him the elections.

Little Chamisa is the party, the party manifesto, the party structure, the party programme and the party campaign. Everything is centralized around little Chamisa. Bvunzai ZANU-PF kuti zveone centre of power zvakavasvitsa kupi?

The MDC Alliance is where little Chamisa is. The MDC Alliance campaign is where little Chamisa is. Kana Chamisa ari Chiredzi, MDC Alliance inenge yakati tonhoo, kuti ziroo kuHwedza. Kana Chamisa ari kuBulawayo, MDC Alliance inenge yakati tonhoo, kuti ziroo kuHarare. And little Chamisa expects to win this election? Winning the election against President Mnangagwa who has deployed foot soldiers right up to the ward level to campaign for him? Imi vanhu tisa vharwe kumeso mhani. Chamisa uyu anenge weZANU-PF?

Let me explain further. Can someone explain to this Bishop how the MDC Alliance failed to field candidates in three National Assembly seats – Mbare, Insiza North and Hurungwe East? How does a party that claims to have a plethora of lawyers and such a youthful party that claims to be 21st century-oriented make such a political boob? How?

But it gets worse, several ZANU-PF council candidates especially in Matebeleland submitted election papers unopposed while the MDC Alliance has double candidates in 14 other constituencies with the main reason being that little Chamisa imposed his cronies. How does this happen? Kana munhu asiri weZANU-PF uyu, ndewei? It surely can’t be the MDC Alliance that Chamisa is destroying from within.

Just some free piece of advice — the July 30 elections will be ward-based elections. How does little Chamisa expect to win when he has no structures that sink right down to ward level? Chamisa won’t be able to campaign in the wards and so who will campaign for him? His party’s failure to field candidates at ward level in some areas is a clear indication that reaching out to the grassroots remains a very big challenge. But then for the gullible and emotional opposition supporters, Chamisa just like Tsvangirai is some god. He doesn’t make mistakes and he shouldn’t be criticized. Ugowona kupusa kana vazodyiwa?

So from personalizing the MDC Alliance to destroying it by imposing his cronies, little Chamisa is on a crusade. And July 30 is fast approaching. Still no MDC Alliance visibility. No proper campaign structures. It’s only little Chamisa and his crusade. Mumwe achachema.

For President Mnangagwa, the sudden worry is about the percentage of victory? Is it between 58 to 65 percent? Is it 60 percent? Some are even talking about 70 percent victory.

Very few are talking about anything less than 55 percent. Even Western embassies have made their permutations and they are talking of figures that will send poor Chamisa to his political grave. This is how much little Chamisa is scoring goals for ZANU-PF. For some, the coming election is like a delayed match, whose results they already know. Of course, ZANU-PF is experienced enough and has to know what complacency can do. The 2008 elections were a lesson that should always ring in the minds of many.

Despite it all, little Chamisa remains stubborn. He had become so stubborn that he thinks choosing a deputy is no longer necessary. And he has become so stubborn that despite the fact that Tendai Biti and Professor Welshman Ncube are his seniors in the legal fraternity and despite the fact that when the MDC was formed he was way too junior to these two, he still doesn’t think they are good enough to be his deputies.

Little Chamisa thinks Biti and Prof Ncube should just be hangers-on who clean his political laundry. While Biti and Prof Ncube are clearly tired and wasted politicians, they are not that daft. July 30 could actually be about the burial of little Chamisa as a politician. Bishop Lazarus knows for sure that Prof Ncube is fed up being used by little Chamisa while Biti is waiting for a good rainy day.

But how can July 30 be about the burial of little Chamisa? Well, picture this – little Chamisa will be trounced by President Mnangagwa in the presidential race. Some opposition MPs will win elections in their constituencies and they will represent their party in parliament. Little Chamisa will be out of parliament and as we all saw with Tsvangirai, controlling those opposition MPs once they get into parliament can be a nightmare.

The opposition MPs will cut deals with anyone willing to give them a slice of the cake and before he knows it, little Chamisa will be forgotten. It all sounds unrealistic for now, but this is politics and panoti ZANU-PF muchapaziva zvenyu. Paya panonzi Zimbabwe is open for business vanorevesa. I repeat July 30 could actually be a burial of little Chamisa.

No wonder why some had suggested that little Chamisa instead of being big-headed and seeking glory should have gone for a National Assembly seat instead of vying for the presidency. Of course, this is now all water under the bridge, but attending the political burial of such a fine young man will be very painful. Chamisa is little but not very bad. Tambo ndidzo dzakawandisa but anotogarika naye pasi moto taura nyaya kwadzo. But then it’s just 29 days – no more time for matare.

Those supporting little Chamisa are beginning to run around like headless chickens. A mixture of fear and anxiety has gripped them. Take for example, an opinion piece that Biti wrote in one of the daily newspapers yesterday. Hidden somewhere in that piece, Biti clearly shows they have lost the battle.

“Our upcoming election on July 30 cannot be a whitewash of democracy. The people of Zimbabwe know this, and we are counting on our friends in the international community to stand with us,” wrote Biti. Shame! Too bad! This is an appeal from a defeated mind. A mind preparing for defeat.

But it was dread Patrick Zhuwao who left Bishop Lazarus in stitches of laughter. Clearly dread Zhuwao is getting very desperate and he is throwing tantrums in a true dread man style. Last week, he penned what some media houses falsely termed a letter to British PM Theresa May. In that supposed letter, dread Zhuwao wrote:

“The British government, and I dare say various British institutions, are colluding with Mnangagwa in his despicable subterfuge that has the hallmark of the 1980s Gukurahundi massacres that saw the loss of thousands of lives.

“My letter to you places these matters on the record so that history will judge your actions and those of your government in the full knowledge that you were complicit in the blood bath that Mnangagwa is plotting to unleash.”

The British PM was supposed to shiver and shudder at the mention of the word Gukurahundi. She was supposed to panic because of the imaginary blood bath playing in dread Zhuwao’s intoxicated mind. It’s been long since I last saw dread Zhuwao, but vanenge vava kudziwanza too much.

Take it easy dread Zhuwao. July 30 is not very far. Theresa May has no time to waste. She has time for re-engagement. Kwanzi, ED pfeeee! But ZANU-PF sooka!

Bishop is out!

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COMRADE Elison Mupamawonde (born 1950 in Bikita), whose Chimurenga was Cde Soft Magarasadza last week spoke about how ZIPRA out-gunned Rhodesian forces at Chirundu during the liberation struggle and how they started night operations around Hurungwe area.

In this interview with our Deputy Editor Munyaradzi Huni, Cde Soft Magarasadza narrates how they conducted operations to disrupt tourism in Kariba. He speaks about how the Rhodesian forces crossed into Zambia, leading to the death of 13 ZIPRA forces in an intense attack that started around 4am until 12 noon. Read on. . .

MH: Let’s continue your journey comrade. Tell us, as regional commander, how many comrades were under your command?

Cde Soft Magarasadza: Just to give you a rough idea, during ceasefire my Assembly Point was Romeo which had over 8 000 comrades. This assembly point was at Makonde.

MH: You were commanding so many comrades. How disciplined were these comrades?

Cde Soft Magarasadza: From Platoon Commander to Section Commander I made sure these were responsible of their comrades. Kana vanetseka they would then come and report to me. If I couldn’t handle the issues, I would hand over the issues to our leaders like Jarvin Maseko. Sometimes I would punish the comrades.

MH: What kind of punishment was this?

Cde Soft Magarasadza: For example I would take away one’s gun, wofamba usina pfuti. Those comrades were used to moving around with their guns akafamba asina pfuti aitya because you never knew when the enemy would attack. Vanhu vainyanya kundinetsa were drug smokers, vakomana vembanje. So what I would do I would group such comrades together and choose one of them to be the section commander. I would then give them an area to operate from. They would go to this operating area wonzwa pfuti dzarira. After a while you see some of them rushing back and you ask, “Where are the others?” Wonzwa kuti “they have been shot.” This would teach others a lesson that this is wrong. You see others kana vaputa mbanje vanoita zvivindi others ndeve kungodya sadza chete.

MH: Did you face problems with sellouts?

Cde Soft Magarasadza: In any revolution, you find sellouts. These people are sent by the enemy to come and spy on you. Others are sent to cause disorganisation. You see a certain comrade being so indisciplined and you think maybe imbanje but no, he wants to cause disorganisation. As a leader you had to be on high alert to fish out such people. Once you discover that someone is a sellout, you hand that person over to the leaders who will interrogate him. Yes, we had lots of sellouts but we dealt with them.

MH: Were you involved in any battle where you lost quite a number of comrades?

Cde Soft Magarasadza: In my area, after hitting Kariba Country Club – we brought down that country club and the hotel. The idea was to disrupt tourism in the area. So the mission was to hit down electricity poles from Charara area and we did that. We blew a bridge near Charara and at the same time we bombed a Rhodesian camp. We were using our Gun 75. We really managed to destroy all these targets and after this the Rhodesians mounted a vicious follow up. After hitting these targets we retreated into Zambia.

The Rhodesian forces crossed into Zambia following us. They arrived around 4am in helicopters. There were about three helicopters. There were also more than four jet fighters. They started hammering our bases that were close to Zambezi River. The bombardment was massive and they were swift. We lost 13 comrades in that attack. This was the biggest number that I lost as a commander. I know where these comrades were buried. I remember there was Josphat Mandla, Nyoni and others.

MH: Did you manage to fight back?

Cde Soft Magarasadza: We failed to fire back because of the firepower. The bombardment was intense. They even deployed their ground force. From my side, we tried to engage these Rhodesian forces but our other comrades who had escaped from the bombardment advised us not to fight back. They said don’t fight otherwise the firepower will be directed to us. That bombardment was terrible and it went on until around 12 noon. Nikita Mangena ndipo paanga achafira ipapo.

Nikita came with Richard Ngwenya to see the casualties after the attack. Ngwenya used to understand how we operated. When they came I told Nikita that we should not move around in a vehicle because the Rhodesians had planted landmines. Nikita turned to me and started shouting “iwe mupfana, who are you? You can’t tell me anything! You are a coward! What, what!” He said lots of things but I said, no, no, no, this is dangerous ground and I know it.” I insisted that ngatifambe netsoka zvikanzi naNikita iwe mupfana shut up!” Richard Ngwenya chipped in supporting me.

As we were arguing, some Zambian soldiers after hearing the bombardment came in our direction. They got to where we were and left us arguing. Their armored car didn’t go far. About 50 metres, the vehicle was blown to pieces. Nikita Mangena akanyarara kuti zii. I just looked at him and he said, ok, let’s go on foot. And so we left Nikita’s vehicle under cover. Some Zambian forces came to assist their fellow comrades. After touring the bombed camps, we buried six comrades in one grave then the other seven in another grave.

MH: As you were burying these comrades as commander, what was going through your mind?

Cde Soft Magarasadza: I just said, tomorrow it could me.

MH: Didn’t such incidents instill fear into you?

Cde Soft Magarasadza: Not at all. You know you get to a point where you get used to death. About two minutes after such an incident, unotokwanisa kuridza radio to distract yourself from thinking about the deaths. You don’t even cry. Kutoridza radio kana uchida wototanga kutamba saying tomorrow I am going also. You know up to this day, I sometimes dream helicopters hovering over me. Hondo yaramba kubuda mumusoro.

MH: As you were burying these comrades, did you conduct any rituals?

Cde Soft Magarasadza: We just buried them because we were not sure where the enemy was. The enemy could bomb you again. We buried them quickly without any rituals. Also remember this was between very big mountains and it was very possible that the Rhodesian forces were monitoring us from a distance using binoculars. We knew that the Rhodesian forces had an observation point nearby. We buried these comrades in the presence of Nikita Mangena.

Years may have gone by but I am constantly troubled by the death of Cde Nyamukapa. He was among the 13 comrades we buried. He was a brilliant comrade and very dependable. He was also very courageous. During that operation I spoke about that led to the Rhodesian forces crossing into Zambia, I was with him hitting electricity poles from Kariba to Salisbury. We destroyed the bridge together and shelled the hotel together. He was a dependable comrade and when I saw him dead, my heart sank.

MH: How did you survive?

Cde Soft Magarasadza: It’s God. You know one of the days, I was in Zambia so I sent one group to cross into Rhodesia to with some supplies. I gave these comrades to go and hide the supply at a certain place where the other comrades who were at the war front would come and collect the supplies. On their way back, these comrades about eighteen of them decided that they wanted to eat nyama yembavala. They saw this animal just close to Zambezi River and they shot this animal and killed it. They were still on the Rhodesian side and I was on the Zambian side. I got into my small boat to go and collect them. Unknown to all of us, some Rhodesian forces were watching us. I got to the Rhodesian side vakati regai zvizare in that boat tozopfura.

Out of the 18, I managed kutora nine into the boat and started rowing back to the Zambian side. When we were right in the middle of the river, one of the comrades who was seated next to me was hit by a bullet and he fell into the river. That bullet up to now I don’t know how it missed me. I quickly instructed all the comrades to leave their guns in the boat and swim to the Zambian side. You know I had actually instructed these comrades to put on their life jackets but some refused. They said tiri kuenda padhuze, just across the river.

The Rhodesian forces started firing at us and do you know we were rescued by one of the comrades who couldn’t swim. On the other hand, the other nine comrades on the Rhodesian side started returning fire to these Rhodesian forces. This comrade who couldn’t swim refused to jump out of the boat. He took cover inside the boat and as the Rhodesian forces were focusing on the nine comrades who were on the Rhodesian side, this comrade took one of the bazookas in the boat and aimed at the Rhodesian soldiers. Akanorova exactly paibva Rhodesian fire pachibva panyarara kuti zii. The other nine comrades went on to finish these Rhodesian forces. After swimming to the Zambian side I shouted to them that musabve ipapo ndichauya kuzokutora.

One of the comrades was struggling to swim to the Zambian side and I shouted “resistance comrade! Resistance comrade!” He later managed to swim to the Zambian side. I later went back to get the other nine comrades. It was now very dark and we crossed back to Zambia. You know whenever I look back to this day, I always say mwari vakapindira. That bullet was meant for me but somehow it missed me.

MH: So this comrade who was hit by the bullet, he fell into the river and that was it?

Cde Soft Magarasadza: Yeah, there was nothing we could do. All we could do was that one day we ambushed Rhodesian soldiers as they were rowing along the river and that day takavarova and they all died. This was our response.

MH: So you operated at the war front for how long?

Cde Soft Magarasadza: Like I told you I was the Provincial Commander around Hurungwe area from 1976 up to 1979. The war had become like any other daily chore for me. At the end, I would sleep soundly because we knew that the Rhodesian soldiers were now afraid of us. I would sleep soundly right at the war front. There were so many liberated zones by this time.

You know some comrades had become so used to the war that like Cde Ndodhla Mapulanka, he was in logistics and he is still alive, he would tell us kuti vakomana kuti kuuya ndege two hours before ndege yasvika. He would tell us kuti ndenge iri kubva neuko ngatiende takadai. That is how much we had gotten used to the war.

MH: Can you tell us briefly of your last years at the war front leading to ceasefire?

Cde Soft Magarasadza: The highlight of that period was what we used to call Nkomo’s Turning Point. This was leading to the ceasefire. If the Lancaster House talks had failed, I had been given a battalion of regular forces headed by Cde Madhliwa. He was the battalion commander of the ZIPRA regular and many in army up to now know about him. When I was given this battalion I found them a place to stay a little bit into Zambia. The Rhodesian forces attacked them but Madhliwa had dug trenches such that they managed to repeal the Rhodesians. Vairova ndege iri kure such that the Rhodesians retreated.

MH: What do you mean Nkomo’s Turning Point?

Cde Soft Magarasadza: Remember our war all along was guerilla warfare. Now we were entering a phase of regular warfare. Nkomo had told us that if the Lancaster House talks fail, we were supposed to abandon guerilla warfare and use regular warfare to fight the Rhodesian soldiers. We had comrades who had trained regular warfare in Zambia and were ready to surprise the Rhodesian forces.

That turning point showed me that Nkomo was a brilliant and talented leader. He was already planning ahead. He also loved his forces. You know during the Unity Accord, he called me saying I was supposed to go and integrate my forces in Mashonaland Central. To me he was a very nice and caring person. During ceasefire I went to Romeo Assembly Point. Later I was moved to another assembly point in Chitungwiza.

MH: When you look at the journey you travelled during the liberation struggle, do you have any regrets?

Cde Soft Magarasadza: I have no regrets at all. I played my part. We were fighting to take the means of production to the majority and we did that in our own way.

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Today, four weeks from the dawn of the Second Republic, we have a section of our society that remains politicised to the point of still thinking selfish politics takes precedence over the economy.

It is a lunatic fringe that would prefer to remain stuck in the old days, never mind that decades of politicisation should have well taught us all that people do not eat politics – more so crass and shallow politics!

This obsession with nationally destructive politics is the reason why the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission is under attack, all in preparation for even more ruinous politics post the July 30, 2018 elections.

Firstly, the relentless attacks on Zec by opposition politicians and their minions in the legal fraternity point to an attempt by political parties to determine how a constitutional body operates.

We never thought we would find ourselves doing this but the levels to which political discourse in the opposition has plummeted forces us to spell it out: political parties participate in elections and do not run elections.

Zec’s rules of procedure, its national constitutional mandate, indeed its raison d’etre cannot be determined by the whims of transient political formations whose subsistence is often tied to such ephemeral markers as an election.

The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission cannot and will not be shaped in the image of a political party, more so an opposition outfit whose relevance beyond the current election cycle is very much in doubt.

A constitutional election body can only be shaped in the image of the constitution that gives it life and the enabling law or laws that define its functions.

Secondly, the attacks on Zec are not only premised on an attempt to clothe a constitutional body in the threadbare robes of an opposition outfit, they are also an attempt to redefine what a “free, fair and credible” election is.

They engage the kind of political gobbledegook that opposition political parties have long dabbled in as they attempt to create the impression that an election outcome can only be free, fair and credible if it means the end of the incumbent.

It is a ridiculous and thoughtless proposition to claim an election will only be free, fair and credible if the opposition wins.

And trying to apply such nonsensical pressure on Zec for it to announce an opposition victory regardless of what the ballot returns say is as dangerous as it is silly.

Zec – and indeed all election monitors and observers who are going to evaluate this year’s polls – is aware that the two primary standards to judge Zimbabwe’s July 30, 2018 harmonised elections are the Electoral Act and the SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections.

Opposition political parties cannot set the standard, especially when they themselves hold the most ridiculous excuses of primary elections, take violence to the doors of the nomination courts, and try to burn their own party vice-presidents alive when they disagree with them.

Which takes us to the third issue.

The twin machinations referenced above are building up to the threat to try and make Zimbabwe ungovernable after July 30, 2018 should the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission announce a result unfavourable to the opposition.

The self-appointed leaders of the MDC Alliance have said as much already.

While it may be easy to conclude that they are itching for violence after the polls, they have an as yet unsaid but oft-implied, half-clever goal in mind.

They hope that dangling the threat of violence will nudge the winning party into forming a coalition government that will give them relevance well beyond 2018. It is half-clever because while indicating some dark cunning on the part of those behind the strategy, it is unlikely that the victor will give the vanquished a kiss of life this time around

There is discernible panic in opposition ranks as the elections approach, and for a political party such poll-tied discomfort can only come from knowledge of impending defeat.

The opposition is more concerned with playing politics, no matter how destructive, than with being part of a vibrant Second Republic geared towards improving citizens’ livelihoods.

They do not care about the building of robust structures of State that outlast the fleeting interests of fragile political parties.

They do not care that the threat of violence, and indeed violence itself, causes grave economic damage by way of giving pause to would-be investors because of the climate of uncertainty created. They are still living in an ugly past, one that cannot have a foothold in the Second Republic.

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Makonise Takavada
We often hear about the saying that “the law is an ass”, and it is often expressed where there is conflict between what the law says and what individuals or groups desire.
The phrase has a long tradition of use and there have been attempts to establish its historical origins. Many sources point to English author Charles Dickens, who published his famous book, Oliver Twist, in 1838.

When a character in that book, a Mr Bumble, who is the unhappy husband of a domineering wife, is told in court that “. . .the law supposes that your wife acts under your direction,” he replies: “If the law supposes that,” said Mr Bumble, squeezing his hat emphatically in both hands, “the law is an ass — an idiot.”

Dramatist George Chapman had earlier, in 1654, in the play “Revenge for Honour” used the phrase “law is an ass” in the following terms:

“Ere (before) he shall lose an eye for such a trifle…For doing deeds of nature! I’m ashamed. The law is such an ass.”There is contention around the ownership of the play, though, with one site explaining that Chapman’s play was registered as The Parricide or Revenge for Honour to fellow playwright Henry Glapthorne.

Some scholars contend that the play was the work of neither gentlemen and was written around 1620. But that is beside the point, the point is that all too often people find themselves questioning the law when their interests, even fleeting, are threatened.

Here they find the law rigid and stubborn as a donkey (ass is American colloquial for donkey, by the way). It brings one to another truism attributed to Marcus Tullius Cicero, (January 3, 106 BCE – December 7, 43 BCE) who was a Roman Senator.

The quote that “We are in bondage with the law in order to be free” is attributed to this man.  He is widely acclaimed with one scholar calling him, “an unknowing architect of constitutions that still govern our lives”, while another felt that “All ages of the world have not produced a greater statesman and philosopher combined.”

According to one source, so influential was Cicero’s idea of natural law that he is considered “the great transmitter of Stoic ideas from Greece to Rome — Stoic natural law doctrines — helped shape the great structures of Roman law which became pervasive in Western civilisation.”

Voltaire said: “He taught us how to think.”

We are in bondage with the law in order to be free! The statement appears contradictory — it is an oxymoron — but it holds deep truths about the law. With elections on the horizon, Zimbabwe finds itself in a situation where it has to contend with what the law says and what contending interests are at play.

In particular — and this is the focus of this piece — the institution of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission has come under increasing pressure from political interests as we head toward July 30. ZEC is a Constitutional body — one of the independent commissions set out in Chapter 12 of the Constitution — mandated to conduct elections in Zimbabwe.

It’s main operating law is the Electoral Act, which is defined as, “An Act to provide for the terms of office, conditions of service, qualifications and vacation of office of members of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, the procedure at meetings of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission and the appointment of the Chief Elections Officer; to make provision for the registration of voters and for the lodging of objections thereto; to provide for the preparation, compilation and maintenance of voters rolls; to prescribe the residence qualifications of voters and the procedure for the nomination and election of candidates to and the filling in of vacancies in Parliament; to provide for elections to the office of the President; to provide for local authority elections; to provide for offences and penalties, and for the prevention of electoral malpractices in connection with elections; to establish the Electoral Court and provide for its functions; to make provision for the hearing and determination of election petitions; and to provide for matters connected with or incidental to the foregoing.”

This paragraph sets out the A-Z of how elections are conducted in terms of the law and the mandate and functions given to ZEC.

Further guarantees of independence of ZEC and tenets that must guide it in the conduct of its duties are set out in the Constitution. ZEC’s officers are guided by regulations and operate with integrity, failure to observe which will lead to their removal.

In all this, ZEC is guided by the law.

What we have lately in Zimbabwe is that some political players want ZEC to act in a manner that is not provided for in the law.

There was a chance for Zimbabweans to have input on laws that govern elections and the operations of ZEC within the ambit of Legislature, or Parliament.

Parties with representations in that House could recommend and find consensus on the needful changes. However, we know that some parties decided not to participate or were outnumbered, which should not worry us as it is part of our representative democracy.

Even when ZEC decided to engage political parties, their efforts were sullied by disruptive behaviour. Now, the same people who did not make the difference at various platforms provided for by the law and indeed as accommodated in political processes which ZEC actually acceded to, are crying the loudest. That is uncalled for.  ZEC must continue doing its work. After all, it has not broken any laws. It has to stick to the law — and we are happy because the law cannot be changed at a whim or for expedience. That’s the beauty about this ass called the law! Let us all appreciate this bondage with the law and save our institutions.

 Makonise Takavada is a writer, analyst and critic based in Harare.

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Alliance headaches in perceived strongholds

> In Harare, there are two candidates in Mabvuku-Tafara and Harare South.

> There are dangers of a split vote in five constituences in Harare West, Harare Central, Harare East, Mt Pleasant and Glen View South.

> In Bulawayo, there are more than 12 candidates in all the 12 constituencies. Further, the MDC-T faction is contesting for all the seats

Headaches in Zanu-PF strongholds

> In Mashonaland Central, the MDC Alliance has two candidates in four constituencies: Mazowe North (Stephen Muchenje and Mcumillan Ndhlovu); Mazowe South (Mr Gift Chimanikire and Ms Faith Gamuchirai Chakwera); Mazowe West (Thamarie Chimanzi and Rorana Machihwa); and Muzarabani North (Takawira Agreement Kagura and Lawrence Mushori). They also face MDC-T faction in four of the 18 constituencies (Shamva South, Mazowe Central, Bindura South and Bindura North).

> In Masvingo, it has fielded two candidates in Bikita East (Jacob Ngarivhume — a principal in the MDC Alliance — is one of the candidates — who is being contested by Boniface Mudzingwa) and in Gutu North (Juniel Manyere and Edmore Maramwidze). The MDC-T has also secured nominations in 11 of the 26 constituencies

> In Mat South, the MDC Alliance has no candidates in Insiza North. There are also two Zapu candidates in the same constituency.

It will also face a combo of Zapu candidates and its rival MDC-T candidates in 11of the 13 constituencies.

Feedback: darlington.musarurwa@ zimpapers.co.zw

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Edmore Ndudzo
The preamble to Chapter 14 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 20), which deals with provincial and local Government, states that:

“Whereas it is desirable to ensure:

1. a) The preservation of national unity in Zimbabwe and the prevention of all forms of disunity and secessionism.
2. b) The democratic participation in Government, of all citizens and communities of Zimbabwe and;
3. c) The equitable allocation of national resources and the participation of local communities in the determination of development priorities within their areas

There must be devolution of power and responsibilities to lower tiers of Government in Zimbabwe.”

The rest of the same chapter details various issues such as:

1. a) Part 1 (Preliminary)

(i)  Section 264: Devolution of Government powers and responsibilities

1. ii) Section 265: General Principals of Provincial and Local Government.

iii) Section 266: Conduct of Employees of Provincial and Local Governments.

1. b) Part 2 (Provinces and Provincial and Metropolitan Councils)

(i) Section 267: Provinces and Districts of Zimbabwe.

(ii) Section 268: Provincial Councils

(iii) Section 269: Metropolitan Councils

(iv) Section 270: Functions of Provincial and Metropolitan Councils

(v) Section 271: Committees of Provincial Councils

(vi) Section 272: Chairpersons of Provincial Councils

(vii) Section 273: General Provisions, relating to Provincial and Metropolitan Councils

1. c) Part 3 (Local Government)

(i) Section 274: Urban Local Authorities

(ii) Section 275: Local Authorities for Rural Areas

(iii) Section 276: Functions of Local Authorities

(iv) Section 277: Election to Local Authorities

(v) Section 278: Tenure of Seats of Members of Local Authorities

(vi) Section 279: Procedure of Local Authorities

Section 267 already mentioned above — on Provinces and Districts of Zimbabwe — outlines then 10 provinces into which the country is divided, and these are:

1. a) Bulawayo Metropolitan Province
2. b) Harare Metropolitan Province
3. c) Manicaland Province
4. d) Mashonaland Central Province
5. e) Mashonaland East Province
6. f) Mashonaland West Province
7. g) Masvingo Province
8. h) Matabeleland North Province
9. i) Matabeleland South Province and
10. j) Midlands Province

The provincial boundaries are fixed under an Act of Parliament.

Section 267 also stipulates that an Act of Parliament:

1. a) Must provide for the division of Provinces into Districts, and that
2. b) Such as Act may also provide for the alteration of Provincial and District Boundaries, after consultation with the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, and the people in the Provinces and Districts concerned.

The composition or make-up of Provincial Councils and Metropolitan Councils is also detailed in Sections 268 and 269, respectively.

Further, the functions of Provincial and Metropolitan Councils are outlined in Section 270 as follows:

Under Subsection (1): A Provincial and Metropolitan Council is responsible for the social and economic development of its province, including:

1. a) Planning and implementing social and economic development activities in its province.
2. b) Co-ordinating and implementing Government programmes in the province
3. c) Planning and implementing measures for the conservation, improvements and management of national resources.
4. d) Promoting tourism in its Province and developing facilities for that purpose.
5. e) Monitoring and evaluating the use of resources in its Province and
6. f) Exercising any other functions, including legislative functions, that may be conferred or imposed on it by or under an Act of Parliament.

Under Subsection (2) of the same Section, an Act of Parliament must provide for the establishment, structure and staff of Provincial and Metropolitan Councils, and the manner in which they exercise their functions.

Lastly, under Subsection 3 of this Section, Members of a Provincial or Metropolitan Council are accountable — collectively and individually — to residents of their Province and national Government for the exercise of their functions.

Also, and importantly too, under Section 271, for the better exercise of their functions, Provincial and Metropolitan Councils may establish committees, but each such committee must be presided over (chaired) by a member referred to in Section 268(1)h or 269 (1)h, as the case may be.

These particular Subsections relate to Persons elected by a system of Proportional representation to their positions.

Since the promulgation of the new Constitution (2013), these elaborate and cumbersome structures and systems have not materialised owing to financial constraints.

But there now seems to be political will and traction to effect these key constitutional provisions.

And there seems to be consensus from both Government and the opposition parties.

As a matter of fact, devolution is the brainchild of the MDC formation, which was previously led by Professor Arthur Mutambara.

It’s undoubtable that Provincial and Metropolitan Councils will soon become reality. In fact, the likely members of these councils seem to have already been nominated by the main political parties contesting in the July 2018 harmonised elections.

An article I once wrote in 2016, which was titled “The Provinces of Zimbabwe- Food for Thought”, I proposed cutting the number of provinces by half, especially given Zimbabwe’s population of about 13 million people and its total land area, which stands at 39 million hectares.

My view is that this set up is both unwieldy and cumbersome for Zimbabwe’s geographical size and population.

South Africa, for example, has nine provinces despite boasting of a 55 million population and a total land area that is four times the size of Zimbabwe.

I still maintain that a local Governance structure with six provinces will suffice. It will also be shorn of tribal, divisive and undesirable connotations.

The envisaged structure would also have felled regionalism in one fell swoop.

However, it is my view that the current scenario engenders fertile ground for divisive and secessionist characters.

My proposals then involved renaming and reconfiguring provinces by population size and ecological regions.

Zimbabwe is currently, incidentally and coincidentally, also divided into six ecological regions; namely, I, IIA and IIB, III, IV and V.

I have no qualms or problems with Bulawayo being a Metropolitan Province on its own and being an industrial hub for the nation, but this will have the unwanted effect of increasing the number of provinces to seven.

The structure of the local football governing body, the Zimbabwe Football Association (Zifa) might be instructive.

There are currently four footballing regions — Northern Region, Eastern Region, Southern Region and Central Region — and this has worked well for them.

It is also the same with Delta, the country’s biggest beverage manufacturer, which, in presenting its financials, would routinely split the country into two: the Northern Region and Southern Region.

Also, I have never been a fan of Provincial and Metropolitan Councils because this would create another cost centre for Government, especially at a time when the fiscus is weighed by disproportionately high recurrent expenditures.

A three-tier governance system was also likely to result in bureaucratic sloth.

But as Government has committed to devolution, there are new proposals that I think will be helpful.

1. There should be retention of central Government functions for essential national public services such as the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF), Zimbabwe Republic Police and National Correctional Services. However, all other national services can be devolved and superintended Provincial Councils.

The concept of devolution is not exactly the same as decentralisation. Devolution is much broader and deeper.

2. Each financial year, each and every Province, is expected to draw up and pass its Provincial Budget in line with provisions of the Public Finance Management Act of 2009; which Budgets are then only consolidated by the Accountant-General (Ministry of Finance) into a National Budget.

Each Provincial Budget, with the exception of the National Budget, must be balanced.

Provincial Councils are already allowed to levy or charge local taxes (such as rates) and make other charges in their areas of jurisdictions in terms of both the new Constitution and or the Urban Councils Act and Rural District Act, including other relevant legislation.

3. In addition, Provincial Councils’ activities may and should now be funded by some revenues such as royalties derived directly from natural resource found in their areas and/ or grants made by Central Government.

It also provides scope for Government to support other provinces that might not be richly endowed.

Some needed and crucial services or infrastructure, such as Roads, may spread and cut across Provinces, and the financing and funding systems have to be appropriately structured and agreed and enacted.

A whole host of other tax heads, levies and charges, including royalties paid for mineral extraction.

This may be split on the basis of an agreed and worked out formulae between Provinces and central Government.

4. In the evolving scenario going forward, the role of Provincial Chairpersons became more like that of the current Provincial Structures in South Africa, with the Provincial Councils being like Provincial Legislative Bodies in that respect and Provincial Chairperson being more like the Provincial Premiers’.
5. Some key Acts of Parliament, particularly and specifically the Urban Councils Act and the combined Rural District Act, will require urgent and very necessary alignments, with the new and evolving Constitutional dispensation and position so as to prevent and eliminate any disconnection and disharmony between and among various pieces of legislation, including also various Statutory Instruments, among other such mandatory and prevailing legal and policy instruments.

By E.A.M Ndudzo CA (Z), CPA (Z), RPAA (Z), IOD (Z), B. Acc and SAA First Black City Treasurer of City of Harare. Lead Consultant in crafting and compilation of the Public Finance Management Act of 2009. He is also a Land Commissioner of Zimbabwe. He writes in his personal capacity.

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Jones Nhinson Williams
“Successful economies in Africa have mastered a balancing act that creates a combination of laws and incentives that deepen the relationship with the companies that are cornerstones of their economies and attract new businesses, while providing governments much-needed revenues and creating domestic jobs.”

As the United States celebrated its July 4th (Independence Day) last week, the US Ambassador to Liberia, Christine Elder, told Liberians and Africans that, “Successful economies in Africa have mastered a balancing act that creates a combination of laws and incentives that deepen the relationship with the companies that are cornerstones of their economies and attract new businesses, while providing governments much-needed revenues and creating domestic jobs.”

The Daily Observer in Liberia also wrote that “She (Ambassador Elder) said while aboard a flight in recent time, she looked at her passport and thought how lucky she was to possess it and to have the privilege of standing before Liberians to represent her country.”

One will hope Africans and African leaders will listen to what the esteemed US Ambassador said.

Governments in Africa need to prioritise job creation, workforce development as well as industry and occupational innovation.

No country strategically moves forward without jobs, labour factors, industries, and of course, without private sector businesses, as well as without a clearly defined workforce development plan and strategy.

The idea of putting people in African governments even when they cannot offer their countries any meaningful thing is wrong and will always take African countries down.

Government is not the place for the attainment of wealth, and the proving of ‘friendships’.

It is a sector for people who want to effect change and give back to their countries and communities in a meaningful way.

Lawmakers in Africa should worry more about jobs and how to put their constituents to work rather than anything else, including their own self-interest, income, and benefits.

African bureaucrats should do the same.

Every morning when I enter my office after a long morning ride on the Amtrak, I am always alert because somehow I know I should, or be prepared to respond to a question from either a federal or state lawmaker, policy-maker or bureaucrat about the state of the labour market – about jobs, businesses, occupations, wages/income, the labour force, the employed and the unemployed. And about industries – the growing and declining ones.

A nation becomes better and great when it puts its citizens to work.

When people have jobs their country, their communities and families become the prime beneficiaries.

They can afford a decent living, have their homes running well, their kids can have access to education and healthcare, and more.

When citizens have jobs, the government benefits because there is a direct security link to employment; revenue generation is linked to employment, and development is also linked to employment.

When people have jobs, their retirement future is largely assured, and the future of their children is also set on the right path.

One of the shortcomings of the lack of jobs in most African nations is due to the lack of innovation and the non-prioritisation of the private sector.

Other factors include corruption, greed, and sheer stupidity.

One such sheer stupidity is the belief that government employment is the answer to job creation in Africa.

That putting hundreds of people — party supporters, political campaign agents, friends, loyalists and others — in government jobs with a heavy bearing on the national budget means all is well.

No, it is wrong and it affects a country’s bottom line.

Another setback is the fact that labour ministries in most African nations are treated as union offices or courtrooms where labour disputes are adjudicated. Labour ministries are not courtrooms or justice ministries, they are policy hubs intended for labour policies and regulations.

Their prime objectives are to move a country forward in terms of employment and labour market balance.

As such, the key function of labour ministries is to put unemployed people to work, train job seekers; advocate for workers’ future and their rights such as better wages, better working conditions, better retirement et cetera; liaise with businesses and ensure employers’ rights; advocate for businesses so that they can create more jobs and boost the economy, and more.

It also includes looking at the labour market, in general, to determine how industries and occupations are changing and preparing the workforce for the future.

In developed nations such as the United States, Canada, and the UK, labour ministries are proactive agencies because everything that moves starts and ends with the labour market.

The interest rate on bonds, credits, and all other financial instruments depend on jobs.

The housing market depends on jobs. Wall Street’s and other financial services’ projections and trading depend on jobs. Federal, state and countries budgets depend on jobs, businesses and the private sector.

Overall, an economy, no matter which one, depends on the labour market and all the factors associated with it.

Even the security and sovereignty of a nation, any nation, depends on its ability and capacity to put its citizens to work so that they earn better wages and improve their living standards.

Until African countries can begin to prioritise private sector job creation, workforce development, industry and occupational innovation and more, younger Africans will continue to risk their lives to cross the desert in North Africa on their way to Europe via the Mediterranean Sea.

Until African governments begin to prioritise putting their citizens to work and investing in the private sector, they will continue to have deficits, internal insecurity and chaos.

Until African governments begin to invest in workforce development, their citizens will not be able to meet the needs of the modern labour market, and will, therefore, be unable to compete in the global labour market.

Until African governments prioritise private sector investment and jobs creation, their countries will continue to rely on foreign aid, and instructions from the international community and Western nations.

China, India, Singapore, South Korea, the Philippines, and others, once developing countries, are self-sufficient and do not rely on foreign aid because they have and continue to do the right things.

Today, most of the physicians, nurses, engineers and information technology experts in most developed nations are from India, China, Singapore, and South Korea et cetera.

The proof is, the CEOs of Google, Microsoft and other big global tech companies in the United States and in most developed nations are all Indians.

African presidents, ministers, lawmakers, and others frequently travel to India for medical reasons and related check-ups.

The reason is simple: India invested and continues to invest in workforce development, especially in occupations that relate to the knowledge-based economy as well as in science, technology, engineering and math (STEM).

Africa must do the same for its people, and for its own security and future.

This is a must!

Jones Nhinson Williams is State Administrator of the US Bureau of Labour Statistics Programs for the State of Maryland. He was Maryland State government Labour Market Information Manager during the global recession from 2008 to 2010.

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While the country has been under an unrelenting spell of numbing cold weather conditions for the past week, political temperatures, with 22 days to go to the elections, have been scotching hot.

With a new political administration that has shorn its campaign of the old politics of “blood and iron” in favour of entrenching the “speeches and resolutions” approach — itself the bane of democracy — it would have thought that canvassing for power ahead of the July 2013 elections would be civil across the political divide.

At first, it was, but it has all changed, giving way to fervent and toxic attacks, particularly on President Mnangagwa, who is the face of the new order, including frenetic jibber-jabber on social media, which has seemingly become desperate.

The new attacks, which are observably growing both in scale and incivility with each passing day as the election approaches, seem to betray a deep-seated sense of insecurity over what seems to be imminent disaster.

While spin doctors burn the midnight oil trying to present alternative realities, which is typical in political jockeying, science might be helpful in trying to understand the dynamics and possible outcomes of the plebiscite.

After poring over the numbers, statistics and previous voting patterns, especially covering the past 10 years, it is not hard to see why some political actors have become anxious, jittery and fretful.

Ceding territory in their own backyard

After having faced Zanu-PF for the past 18 years in pitched battles to wrestle power, the MDC Alliance, which is considered as the putative major challenger in this year’s elections, knows very well that the ruling party is a disciplined and consummate gladiator and, therefore, it will take formidable political force to upend it in its major strongholds.

So, engaging it on the electoral field takes an opponent with not only an impenetrable armour, but one who can hold their ground as well.

You simply cannot afford to cede ground to such a disciplined force; it is nothing short of being suicidal.

Yet the political intrigue and grumblings associated with the ascension of MDC Alliance leader Mr Nelson Chamisa to power, including the inherent intricacies and complexities of trying to harness a motley of variegated political interests, seem to have put the Alliances’ knickers in a twist.

It is undoubted that for the MDC Alliance to wage a strong campaign, Mr Chamisa needs to outperform the founding president of the MDC, the late Morgan Tsvangirai, consolidate his foothold in the opposition party’s strongholds — especially Harare and Bulawayo — and seamlessly conscript other political formations with a modicum of political gravitas, including, most crucially, making significant headway in Zanu-PF strongholds.

But this does not seem to be the case.

After the sitting of the Nomination Court on Thursday June 14, the Alliance, which is plagued by double nominations in key constituencies and failure to field candidates in some areas, including their perceived strongholds, will arguably go into this elections hobbling.

And this against a disciplined Zanu-PF, which has managed to field candidates in all the 210 constituencies, is nothing short of unnerving.

In both the 2008 and 2018 elections, the MDC performed well in the two major urban centres — Harare and Bulawayo.

In 2008, they bagged all the seats in Bulawayo (then 11) and captured all but one seat in Harare.

They repeated the same feat for Bulawayo in 2013, but they lost six of the 29 constituencies in Harare to Zanu-PF.

Put simply, the two provinces have been their main seat of power.

A successful campaign that would have trumped Mr Tsvangirai’s best efforts would mean the MDC Alliance need to not only maintain a vice grip in these provinces, but to go for a clean sweep.

Currently, they have serious problems in Harare.

Mabvuku-Tafara and Harare South

The MDC Alliance is presently sweating over two constituencies — Mabvuku-Tafara and Harare South — where they fielded more than two candidates.

Most notably, in Mabvuku-Tafara, where more than 13 candidates are vying for the constituency, Mr James Maridadi will face-off with his namesake and fellow party member Mr James Chidhakwa.

Earlier in 2013, Mr Maridadi carried the vote for the opposition by garnering 7 917 votes, which were 1 500 more than Cde Goodwills Masimirembwa, who had 6 319 votes.

Adding to the headache is also the presence of an MDC-T candidate, Mr Joseph Chikwanha.

A split of the vote will inevitably open the path for Cde Masimirembwa.

Similarly, MDC Alliance is dogged by the same problem in Harare South, where adopted party member Mr Shadreck Mashayamombe — a Zanu-PF reject — will duel with fellow Alliance member Mr Tichaona Samuel Saurombe.

The splinter faction, MDC-T, is also fielding Mr Desmond Jambaya.

Cde Tongai Mnangagwa will represent Zanu-PF in the constituency.

So, reversing their fortunes in the sprawling suburb will be difficult, considering that five years earlier, Zanu-PF had 20 069 votes in the constituency, 12 597 more than the then MDC-T vote.

But these two constituencies are the least of their worries.

Harare West, Harare Central, Glen View South & Mt Pleasant

The Alliance is facing real threats in its fortresses such as Harare West, Harare Central, Glen View South and Mount Pleasant.

The nasty fallout in Harare West over the candidature of political newbie Joanah Mamombe might backfire spectacularly in the constituency, where Jessie Fungayi Majome, who has since decided to contest as an independent candidate, seems to still have residual value.

And there is the added inconvenience of also wading off the challenge from the MDC-T candidate, Mr Eliah Zvimba.

Although the opposition had a 6 466 lead in 2013, a split among the three warring candidates might potentially pave the way for a Zanu-PF candidate in the area.

There are more speed bumps in Harare Central, where activist Ms Linda Musarira, who had been throwing her lot with the MDC-T, will represent the Dr Khupe-led formation against Mr Murisi Zwizwai, who is representing the Alliance.

It is interesting to note that the difference between Zanu-PF(4 974) and MDC-T (6 828) in the constituency in the 2013 elections was only 1854 votes.

If the MDC candidates share the vote, this might be a boon for Zanu-PF’s candidate, Mr Misheck Mangwende.

Glen View South has a similar dynamic to Harare West.

The bare-knuckle and blood-letting primary elections conducted by the MDC Alliance, which pitted the late Mr Tsvangirai’s daughter Vimbai Tsvangirai-Java and Gladmore Hakata, could have been divisive for the party. There is a section of opposition party supporters who feel that Ms Tsvangirai-Java is being unfairly imposed in the constituency.

Mr Hakata is now running as an independent candidate.

Furthermore, it will not be easy for the opposition party in Mt Pleasant constituency.

Having been wrestled from the opposition in 2013, the MDC Alliance’s candidate for this year’s elections, Mr Banda Samuel, will have to upstage defected member (Councillor) Mr Warship Dumba, who is now representing MDC-T, vanquish Advocate Fadzai Mahere, before contending with Zanu-PF’s candidate, Cde Jasson Passade.

And then there is Harare East, where the caustic and abrasive Mr Tendai Biti, who will be representing the MDC Alliance, will face off with the unfazed Mr Obert Gutu, deputy president of the MDC-T formation.

This is widely expected to be epic, but it also comes with collateral damage: lurking in the wings is Cde Terence Mukupe, who clearly must be salivating at the prospect of the former Alliance partners at each other’s throats.

Mbare

The 111-year-old iconic suburb of Mbare has been an oasis for Zanu-PF in urban centres. Again, the MDC factions will lock horns, with Mr Smart Chamisa (Alliance) battling it out with Mr Takaindisa Pascalina from the MDC-T.

It is important to note that in 2013, Cde Savanhu bagged the seat with 14 764 of the vote, compared to Mr Eric Knight, who garnered 10 932 votes, a lead of more than 3 832.

Put simply, the MDC Alliance will have to perform spectacularly well in order to beat the odds in seven key constituencies — Mabvuku-Tafara, Harare South, Harare West, Harare Central, Harare East, Mt Pleasant and Glen View South in order to retain dominance in a province they would have ordinarily been expected to win for their campaign to gain traction.

Bulawayo

In Bulawayo province, the MDC Alliance didn’t face difficulties in fielding candidates, or with double nominations.

It all seems hunky-dory before considering the deluge of candidates that have thrown their hats in the ring and the Dr Thokozani Khupe factor.

The MDC-T faction has managed to field candidates in all constituencies.

And if ever independent political candidates and the impact of multiple candidates is to be measured, then it will be in Bulawayo province.

Incidentally, all the 12 constituencies in the province have more than 12 candidates each.

It is important to note that MDC-T, led by Dr Thokozani Khupe, has successfully fielded candidates in all the constituencies.

Magwegwe has the most candidates (22), with six participating as independent candidates, followed by Pumula (21), Luveve (18), Pelandaba, Mpopoma, Nketa, Lobengula and Bulawayo Central (17), Bulawayo South (16), Nkulumane and Bulawayo East (15) and Emakandeni-Entumbane (12).

Overall, while the MDC Alliance might have reason to believe in this province, a split vote — similar to the one that has been seriously damaging their prospects in the past elections in Matabeleland South — might be calamitous, especially in a province they need to hold.

Bungling in Zanu-PF’s backyard

Remember, for the MDC Alliance to entertain any hopes of upstaging the ruling Zanu-PF, it has to run an outstanding campaign against extraordinary odds of their own making in their own strongholds before barrelling through the revolutionary party’s strongholds.

This clearly takes a disciplined and focussed campaign.

Arguably, the sternest test Zanu-PF has ever faced was in 2008 when a sagging economy, basic commodities shortages and succession intrigue in the ruling party conspired to spawn a protest vote that was quite damaging to the party.

But despite these political headwinds, they still managed to hold the fort in Mashonaland Central, where they retained 16 seats to MDC’s two; Mashonaland West, as they managed 16 seats while MDC claimed six; and Mashonaland East, where they gained 19 seats to MDC’s four.

In 2013, however, the party managed to build from these fortresses in order to master a clean sweep in Mashonaland Central, Masvingo, Matabeleland South and they fell one seat short of taking all the seats in Mashonaland East.

Mr Jonathan Samkange — a Zanu-PF member who contested as an independent candidate — managed to get the outstanding seat.

He has since been nominated to contest as Zanu-PF in this year’s elections.

But can the MDC Alliance, under a new candidate, manage to do the trick?

Mashonaland Central

Well, it seems not to be the case.

While the MDC-T faction, which has managed to field candidates in four of the 18 constituencies (Shamva South, Mazowe Central, Bindura South and Bindura North), is less of a problem for the alliance in the province, the problem is in their own backyard.

Quite ominously, the Alliance has two candidates in each of the four constituencies: Mazowe North (Stephen Muchenje and Mcumillan Ndhlovu); Mazowe South (Mr Gift Chimanikire and Ms Faith Gamuchirai Chakwera); Mazowe West (Thamarie Chimanzi and Rorana Machihwa); and Muzarabani North (Takawira Agreement Kagura and Lawrence Mushori).

This does not read well in a province that has proven to be reliable in delivering the Zanu-PF vote.

Food for thought: in the 2013 elections, Zanu-PF grossed 327 000 votes in Mashonaland Central compared to 46 533 for the then MDC-T, which yields a remarkably steep gap of 280 912 votes.

Masvingo

In Masvingo, the MDC Alliance managed to somewhat redeem itself.

Initially, it had two candidates in six constituencies — Bikita East, Gutu North, Gutu Central, Gutu West, Masvingo South and Zaka West.

However, the opposition party managed to secure withdrawals in four constituencies within the seven-day window that was provided for by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC).

Only two remain in Bikita East (Jacob Ngarivhume — a principal in the MDC Alliance — is one of the candidates — who is being contested by Boniface Mudzingwa) and in Gutu North (Juniel Manyere and Edmore Maramwidze)

The MDC-T has only secured nominations in 11 of the 26 constituencies.

In a huge gamble, especially for a party that purports to oppose everything that Zanu-PF stands for, the MDC Alliance is betting on former President Robert Mugabe’s alleged proxies for salvation.

In Mwenezi East, they want to cash in their chips through Kudakwashe Bhasikiti, who has had diabolical political fortunes over the past three years, especially within the context of Zanu-PF recent succession politics.

He was spit out by the former President, Mr Robert Mugabe, before being ditched by Zimbabwe People First, where he wanted to find a political home under the then interim leader, Dr Joice Mujuru.

With so much political stink lingering around Bhasikiti, the Alliance, however, hopes he will be sellable in the constituency.

But the underwhelming reception that Chamisa received recently in the constituency might be telling.

Another huge gamble is Jappy Jaboon in Bikita South, who temporarily found himself in the cold after the military intervention in November last year.

It is not going to be easy for this former G40 foot soldier who, like Bhasikiti, is now representing the Alliance.

He faces Charles Nyajena, a MDC member who has decided to run as an independent, and Tawanda Makatawa, who is representing the Dr Khupe faction.

In 2013, the opposition party was thoroughly thumped in the province as it only managed to bag 104 912 votes to Zanu-PF’s 285 806, a yawning gap of 180 894 votes.

 Matabeleland South

The MDC Alliance also repeated the same missteps in Matabeleland South province, where it will face a combo of Zapu candidates and its rival MDC-T candidates in 11of the 13 constituencies.

What is worrying for the MDC Alliance is that there is no candidate in Insiza North.

While the opposition party’s spin doctors have said they will support a Zapu candidate, what could be unsettling for them is that they are actually two candidates representing Zapu in the same constituency — Mpofu Sithembiso and Earnest Ndlovu.

It simply becomes farcical.

Alarm bells

The challenges faced by the MDC Alliance in all the constituencies highlighted above arguably show how unwieldy the coalition has become, inherent indiscipline within the party and lack of a coherent plan and strategy within the campaign.

While some might argue that these errors of omission and commission by the opposition party are inconsequential, they need to think again.

The MDC Alliance is now in a space that they shouldn’t be if they entertained any chances of ending Zanu-PF 38-year hold on power.

In Matabeleland South, four Zanu-PF council candidates in the province submitted their papers unopposed.

Cde Sibongile Chauke was unopposed in Beitbridge Rural District Council Ward 13, while in Matobo North constituency, Cdes Tobias Sibanda, Thomas Ncube and Paul Ncube sailed through unopposed in Wards 22, 23 and 24, respectively.

The four wards are part of the 46 that have since been handed over to Zanu-PF on a silver platter.

On June 26, ZEC, in terms of Section 125 (4) of the Electoral Act, published names of candidates nominated to stand in local government elections.

The list showed that in addition to the four wards in Mat South, Zanu-PF has also won 19 wards uncontested in Mashonaland Central province — a reliable power base — 13 in the Midlands and nine in Mashonaland East.

Also quite telling is the crowd that has been unkind to MDC Alliance candidate Mr Chamisa in Zanu-PF strongholds.

His sparse crowd at Maphisa (Matabeleland South) on May 24 was pitiable. Likewise, the turnout in Mwenezi (Masvingo) on June 9 and Chivhu (Mashonaland East) on July 5 was disappointing.

It should be dawning on him and his alliance partners that politics is not a beauty pageant, but beastly business.

But his partners, some of who have foisted themselves on his campaign, are becoming desperate.

The curious grouping that was in the forefront of attacking President Mnangagwa before his ouster from Government and Zanu-PF on November 6 and November 8 last year, have now coalesced, and having their efforts blunted by the military last year, they have now found a new home on social media, particularly Twitter.

The Ari Ben-Menashe-type of videos now litter timelines on the micro-blogging site, while the strident spin is becoming desperate.

It is believed that these forces are throwing their lot with Mr Chamisa not because they believe in him, but because they believe his supposed ascendancy will further their interests, protect their ill-gotten wealth and escape culpability for their past misdeeds.

It obviously comes with a cost as their baggage might weigh down the already burdened MDC Alliance’s ship.

Despite the foregoing signs, miracles do happen, and this is why Mr Donald Trump now occupies the White House in the United States of America.

In times of great peril, it is human nature to look to the Bible, and the David and Goliath tale might be comforting for the MDC Alliance.

It might be David and Goliath all over again, but this time the latter-day David seems to have perilously forgotten his sling.

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NAPOLEON Bonaparte was really prophetic when he said: “In politics, absurdity is not a handicap.” Political developments in Zimbabwe over the past few weeks have shown that indeed, the floodgates of absurdity have been opened.

Opposition political parties in the country, with the MDC-Alliance leading, have mastered the art of absurdity and they are finding a few believers out there. That is why Henry Cate bemoaned that, “the problem with political jokes is that they get elected.” There is quite a dosage of political jokes that are seeking political office and some Zimbabweans with their amazing sense of humour could actually vote a few jokes into office.

With these political jokes in office from July 30, as Zimbabweans tinenge tichingoseka zvedu, kugegedzera pamwechete nekusekwa. Thank God, these political jokes are in short supply and so July 30 won’t make Zimbabwe chiseko chepasi rose. July 30, like I have preached over the past weeks, is about political transformation.

In Ezekiel 36 vs 26, the Holy Book says: “Moreover, I will give you a new heart and put a new spirit within you; and I will remove the heart of stone from your flesh and give you a heart of flesh.”

Indeed, there is need for God to remove the heart of stone from some gullible Zimbabweans. There is an urgent need for a heart of flesh. Mwari Baba dzikai!

Romans 12 vs 2 hammers the same point saying: “And do not be conformed to this world, but be transformed by the renewing of your mind, so that you may prove what the will of God is, that which is good and acceptable and perfect.” Someone say amen! July 30 is about the transformation of the mind. Vazhinji vachawoneswa.

But what is this overdose of absurdity that the opposition is supplying onto the market? Well, little Chamisa has been the main supplier and he seems to be enjoying it. Just a few days ago, we woke up to news that the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) had rigged the ballot in favour of President Mnangagwa.

As an honest Bishop I panicked thinking that the ZEC Iron Lady Justice Priscilla Chigumba had played the opposition a fast one.

This Justice Chigumba lady, like I said last week, is turning out to be quite some hard nut to crack. We used to think Rita Makarau was tough, but Mai Chigumba ndasimudza maoko vanhu vamwari. She is not moved and won’t move. And so when the privately-owned media screamed that ZEC had rigged the ballot, I said “nhai Mai Chigumba vadarirei?”

Then I went through the story. Imi vanhu Chamisa ane pari kurwadza mumusoro.

The story was that ZEC had rigged the ballot in favour of President Mnangagwa just because on the second ballot box, the President’s picture is right at the top while Chamisa’s picture is buried somewhere among the 23 presidential candidates.

This is what fear and desperation does to political jokes. Little Chamisa claims that he is very popular and he claims that he is very popular with youths. Surely, if he is that popular and if the youths will be the majority of his voters, why worry about where he is placed on the ballot box? Handiti vapfana vemazuvano vakangwara kwazvo. They will pick out their little boy even if he is buried in a coffin.

A few weeks ago, I was reading an article entitled “Why do We Major in Minors” by R.C Sproul. Allow me to quote a few paragraphs from this insightful article. “The Pharisees distorted the emphasis of biblical righteousness to suit their own behavioural patterns of self-justification. Jesus frequently confronted the Pharisees on this point.

“Jesus said to them, “You tithe mint and dill and cumin, and have neglected the weightier matters of the law: justice and mercy and faithfulness”.

On numerous occasions, Jesus acknowledged that the Pharisees scrupulously obeyed some points of the law. They paid their tithes, they read their Scriptures, they did a host of things the law required-and Jesus commended them for their actions, saying, “These you ought to have done”.

“However, it was the emphasis that was out of kilter. They scrupulously tithed, but in doing so they used their obedience to this lesser matter as a cloak to cover up their refusal to obey the weightier matters of justice and mercy. That distortion occurs today.”

Little Chamisa seems to have fallen victim to this weakness by the Pharisees. He is majoring on the minors and as July 30 beckons, we are likely to see more of this tomfoolery.

Little Chamisa claims to be a pastor and surely he should know what is more important — throwing a few dollars of tithe into that plate in church and to believe in God.

My point is that the issue about one’s position on the ballot paper doesn’t really matter. Little Chamisa should focus on important things that will win him votes like putting up proper structures to campaign vigorously, sourcing a few dollars to enhance his visibility to the electorate and crafting a well-thought campaign message.

But then we are wasting time. Little Chamisa will this week be joined by other political jokes to mount some demonstration where they will be calling for electoral reforms. Well, the Constitution gives the opposition freedom of association and freedom of assembly.

The political jokes can meet whenever and wherever, but that won’t stop July 30. That date is fast approaching and we are galloping towards decision time.

Besides worrying where his picture is placed on the ballot box, little Chamisa has another worry and he took this worry to the High Court.

He argued that ZANU-PF should not work hand-in-hand with the country’s traditional chiefs as we head towards July 30.

Bishop Lazarus has always wondered why it is ok for the opposition to abuse the country’s trade unions like the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions which should represent all workers and yet it’s not ok for ZANU-PF to work with the traditional chiefs. It’s as if the chiefs are lesser beings who should not enjoy freedom of association as enshrined in the Constitution. But this is not my issue.

The issue is that the opposition is wasting time on this issue. Just a look into the country’s history dating back to the days of the liberation struggle will show that the opposition is wasting time trying to break the marriage between ZANU-PF and the traditional chiefs.

The reality is that ZANU-PF and the traditional chiefs have an umbilical cord that the opposition cannot do anything about. Ngatirege kupedza nguva pazviroto when July 30 is a few weeks from now. Someone once said: “Worrying is stupid. It’s like walking around with an umbrella, waiting for it to rain.”

The opposition should stop walking around with an umbrella. It will never rain. But then it’s not only the opposition that is majoring on the minor. The privately-owned media has joined the opposition. “Chamisa threatens ‘earthquake’ on ED, ZEC boss,” “Chamisa plots ED, ZEC showdown,” “Polls: US issues travel alert,” “US travel warnings in indictment on Mnangagwa” and “Parties unite against ZEC.” These were some of the headlines in the privately-owned media over the past few days.

You read the headlines and they take you back to those long forgotten days of confrontational politics.

The headlines give an impression of a Zimbabwe that is stuck in the past, yet it’s the journalists who are still stuck in the past.

We all know little Chamisa cannot cause any earthquake. We know there can’t be any showdown between little Chamisa and President Mnangagwa. We know those US travel warnings have become unnecessarily routine and yes, we all know that ZEC won’t be bullied by the opposition.

In case you missed her interview with The Herald, the ZEC boss is not having any of the nonsense. “As I have already said, not even the Government of Zimbabwe can direct or control ZEC to do anything or not to do anything.

“So, foreign observers or envoys cannot place us under their direction or control but we do have engagements with them, where they try and understand our electoral laws . . . I am not being arrogant when I am merely interpreting a judgment of the Constitutional Court.”

There you have it dear congregants. Justice Chigumba is not about to be bossed or tossed around. Waramba mwanasikana.

Go sister Priscy! Go my good sister! Good going Justice! So yes, the privately-owned media can bunch itself with political jokes, but political jokes won’t be elected into office come July 30.

Let’s brace ourselves for serious acts of desperation as July 30 fast approaches. You can actually throw in former President Mugabe in the mix because that is how the opposition has gone desperate. They are hoping to be saved by the man they spent two decades trying to topple from power. Kuita marutsi ekukambura kwazvo. Seka zvako Bishop.

Douglas Horton was spot on when he said: “Desperation is like stealing from the mafia: you stand a good chance of attracting the wrong attention.” Being saved by Mugabe here vakomana?

Bishop is out!

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For the past decade, Zimbabweans have endured a lot economically.

They have had to carry loads of bearer cheques into shops with empty shelves.

The unemployed have turned to illegal street vending.

And now, with shop shelves fully packed with all manner of basic goods and luxuries, a cash crunch continues to bite those who have failed to accept plastic money.

The diehard cash aficionados insist that they would rather buy tomatoes and bread in hard currency.

Yet, while making this demand, they are not prepared to accept that things could actually ever get better for Zimbabwe as far as employment creation and the cash situation is concerned.

That is the effect of a decade-long fiscal trauma. It takes away all the trust and confidence.

But it is critical for Zimbabweans to appreciate the fact that Zimbabwe is not doomed.

When things hit rock bottom, they can only get better.

The country is endowed with an abundance of natural resources, a good climate and the most skilled workforce in Africa.

With the right fundamentals that are falling into place, Zimbabwe will find itself sooner rather than later.

President Mnangagwa is making headway in creating the right environment for development and it is only a matter of time before we see dramatic effects on unemployment.

His administration has already relaxed an indigenisation policy that was unpalatable for foreign investors.

The icing on the cake are the great relationships that are being built by Government and the international community.

Government is taking every opportunity it gets on the regional and international platforms to reach out to other countries.

As a result, the international community is warning up to Zimbabwe.

This is crucial because Zimbabwe needs to dig itself out of the isolation hole that it had dug itself into over the past few decades.

This is crucial for Zimbabwe’s redemption.

That re-engagement has already set Zimbabwe on its way to recovery with more than 20 billion worth of investments having been committed in the last six months.

Of course pessimists have chosen to deny opening their eyes to the possibility of how such developments could rejuvenate Zimbabwe’s economy.

The economic situation in the country is well on its way to stability.

However, it must be noted that it took years for Zimbabwe’s economy to get to where it is today. It will take some time to repair it and even longer for everyone to see the positive developments.

That, however, doesn’t mean that nothing is happening.

In the meantime, Government needs to tread with caution as it builds the much-needed trust and confidence.

These two ingredients can make or break an economy.

Of late, several companies have woken up from their deep slumber. The Cotton Company of Zimbabwe (Cottco) ginnery in Gokwe recently resumed operations.

The de-watering exercise at Shabanie Mashaba Mines is well underway as the asbestos mining giant prepares to resume operations.

Many more companies have been setting up shop in the country. Think of Pepsi.

The message has been too good to ring true to most Zimbabwe, but that is the reality on the ground.

People are being employed at these companies.

Recent statistics collated from Government have shown that tens of thousands of jobs have already been created in the past few months.

And the rising demand for hard currency is a clear sign of recovering industries; that things are getting better.

An expanding economy requires more foreign currency to buy raw materials; it needs more fuel, which is why queues have been growing at some service stations.

Last year, monetary authorities were importing between $40 million and $50 million every month.

Elsewhere in this paper we report that the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe has since doubled cash imports to $100 million per month.

The only problem we still face is that the rate at which the economy is expanding is faster than the rate at which we are getting foreign currency due to the trade deficit haunting the economy.

Only an increase in production will eradicate this problem.

This should be our new headache.

While some are still buried in the past, many have moved from being hopeful to being bullish about the future of Zimbabwe.

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Dr Chris Mabeza
In a seminal article in The Guardian, Jeremy Hance asks the thought-provoking question: “Has hope become the most endangered species?” Nowhere is this evident than the apocalypse fatigue engendered by the climate change doomsday narrative.
The doomsday narrative, also known as “climate porn”, is about the claim that humanity is facing oblivion because of the climate change Armageddon that looms like an iceberg on a foggy Arctic night.

Thus, climate porn is the tendency by some sections of the media and scientific establishment to paint a doomy and gloomy picture of humanity in the face of climate change.

We are bombarded relentlessly with the “end is nigh” narrative from some sections of the crowded and extremely noisy world of climate change reporting.

We read about “climate refugees”, “victims of climate change”, “smallholder farmers face a bleak future”, “whole villages face destruction” — the list is long. In an article in the New York Magazine, David Wallace-Wells writes about “The Uninhabitable Earth: Famine, economic collapse, a sun that cooks us: What climate change could wreck sooner than you think”.

This article paints a gloomy future about humans’ prospects of survival in a changing climatic environment.

Such narratives engender a sense of hopelessness. The consumers of such information end up tired of the doomsday narratives and wallow in hopelessness. Victoria Hermann argues that hopelessness and despair about a situation is cognitively associated with inaction.

Despair is not a motivator.

Where is the potential for human agency in all these narratives?

Like the fish that doesn’t know what water is, we at times get absorbed in certain narratives to an extent of failing to see creative solutions in our midst. We should see beyond the obituaries; for example, the exciting smallholder farmer innovative stories of adaptation to the super wicked problem of climate change.

My experience as a researcher in rural Zimbabwe highlights the great potential of the agency of smallholder farmers in breaking free from the trappings of poverty through creatively innovative ways of reducing vulnerability to climate variability.

Rural Zimbabwe is replete with many of these innovative farmers whose relentless experimentation in response to climate change is astounding.

These are stories about farmers who are boundlessly resourceful, farmers who exploit beneficial opportunities in climate change and farmers who give us hope.

These are stories that dissuade us from subscribing to the doomsday narrative.

To borrow an expression from Nimar Elbagir, these are stories that must be told.

These are stories that must be heard, and these are stories that carry us forward.

Telling stories about successful smallholder farmers living in rainfall marginal areas will inspire other farmers living in similar environs.

Other smallholder farmers view such success stories favourably because they operate in the same realm as them.

These good news stories offer tangible adaptive climate responses.

There are many stories of farmers who are not only surviving but thriving in a changing climatic environment.

Stories of smallholder farmers in the Mazvihwa area of Zvishavane make us appreciate the importance of human agency. At an informal learning environment, appropriately named the “University of Mototi” (because it was based at a place called Mototi in Mazvihwa), smallholder farmers were able to learn from each other about innovative interventions to climate change adaptation.

The “University of Mototi” was replete with “students” and “lecturers” who were extremely knowledgeable and skilled. The “alumni” of the “University of Mototi” have tinkered and innovated creatively in their own right in a bid to adapt to rainfall variability.

Some of the “alumni” engage in run-off water harvesting and this is premised on their realisation that in that part of the country, “rain comes rapidly and leaves rapidly”.

Therefore, rainwater must be harvested the moment it falls before it disappears.

By harvesting water, they extend their agricultural season by engaging in market gardening.

This article accepts that rainwater can only be harvested when it rains. However, harvesting rainwater when it comes helps in building resilience of the smallholder farmers, especially in the wake of increased rainfall variability.

These farmers have managed to increase their sources of income.

They use some of the money to pay fees for their children.

Other creative farmers in the same area view gullies as resources.

They construct a wall across the gully; thereby, creating small dams. They use the water to irrigate their gardens.

Another positive from this creative intervention is to help in the fight against gully erosion. It is these innovative interventions that give us hope.

That the climate change threat is real cannot be debated.

Therefore, this article does not equate the doomsday approach to crying wolf. The doomsday narrative, however, without offering solutions, will not save us from the devastating effects of climate change.

It only succeeds in deflating our hope for survival.

An approach premised on the recognition of the potential for human agency as demonstrated by innovative smallholder farmers gives us hope.

Human agency can rescue hope from its presumed endangered species status. Human agency can help us change the “conservation conversation” about climate porn.  Climate porn is reckless and dangerous; it is a bit like an attempt by a sea diver to try to teach a shark about marine etiquette.

Climate porn must be defanged each time it rears its ugly head.

Dr Chris Mabeza holds a PhD from the University of Cape Town and researches on climate change. He writes in his personal capacity. You can contact him on cmabeza2007@yahoo.co.uk for feedback.

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Godwine Mureriwa
With the FIFA World Cup over, Zimbabweans will certainly be more attentive to the local political contest scheduled for July 30, 2018.

Whether the former was free, fair and credible is perhaps subjective, or objective, to the extent that one interprets the execution of guiding FIFA rules and their impact on individual teams’ performances.

Expectedly, the victors will claim the tournament was successful, while some bitter losers will feel robbed.

Similar sentiments characterised primary elections across the political divide and will likely manifest in the aftermath of the forthcoming harmonised elections.

Already, some paranoid opposition players are questioning the neutrality of ZEC before the game has even started.

Even lawyers have gone to the extent of disregarding the country’s Constitution and electoral laws for political expediency.

A post on social media aptly captured it all: “If the MDC Alliance was a football team, up to this day the World Cup would not have started, with them demanding to know where the balls were made and stored.”

The MDC Alliance leader, Mr Nelson Chamisa, has threatened to usurp the powers of ZEC and violate the laws governing the conduct of candidates as provided by the electoral law.

While acknowledging the country’s sovereignty, he contradicted himself by claiming that “we have our scientists from Germany who will do forensic testing of every ballot paper to be used in the election”.

The self-proclaimed “referee” took the grandstanding a gear up by declaring that he will announce the election results, reminiscent of what Mr Tendai Biti did after the March 2008 harmonised elections, leading to his arrest.

History tends to repeat itself.

The MDC’s record of threatening to boycott elections or pre-empting them as unfair dates back to the 2005 parliamentary elections.

On the eve of that poll, the late Morgan Tsvangiarai said: “We are damned if we do (participate) and damned if we don’t.”

Yet, while Save was able get another lifeline thereafter, it could be doom and political oblivion for many after July 30, 2018.

Opposition politicians, including former president Robert Mugabe and his wife Grace, are certainly in a similar Catch-22 situation.

It is a do-or-die plebiscite where winner takes all.

When Jonathan Moyo was readmitted into Zanu-PF after the Tsholotsho debacle and his resultant expulsion from the party after standing as an independent candidate, he honestly admitted that “it’s cold out there”.

And it is obviously colder where he is now.

Politics tends to be addictive and usually when you lose, more misery follows.

Those who are standing as independent candidates now — across the political divide — are surely clutching at straws.

Equally, losing parties face unprecedented divisions, if not complete demise.

Against the backdrop of a humiliating defeat in the aforementioned 2005 House of Assembly polls, in which Zanu-PF garnered a two-thirds majority, inevitably intra-party divisions rocked the MDC on whether to participate in a senatorial plebiscite later that year.

The fissures led to the first split of the movement, which continues to haunt it.

Despite leading in the March 2008 Presidential election, again the MDC chickened out of the June 27 run-off at the eleventh hour citing                                        violence.

SADC intervention gave them a lifeline, paving the way for a Government of National Unity (GNU) in 2009. Basking in the glory of being in Government, including enjoying the comfort of power and attendant luxuries, they forgot about future elections, only to be trounced again by a vigilant Zanu-PF in 2013.

That defeat led to further splits.

There are now more serious divisions within the opposition movement, especially after the death of founding president Morgan Tsvangirai in February this year.

The dream of a so-called grand coalition collapsed due to lack of shared ideology, unrestrained greed for power and donor fatigue, among other factors.

In retrospect, when Georg Limke of the Danish Trade Union Council came to Zimbabwe in 1996 to groom the ZCTU leadership to form an opposition party — initially disguised as the National Constitutional Assembly — they harnessed the discontent over economic hardships in workers, academics, students, some war veterans and the general masses to create an anti-Zanu-PF protest party, later to be launched on September 11, 1999 (tellingly on the eve of Zimbabwe’s colonisation – 12 September 1890).

Massively supported by white commercial farmers, the MDC became a tool for local resistance to the land reform programme.

Meanwhile, Tony Blair’s Britain had openly admitted to supporting and funding it through the Westminster Foundation for Democracy, much as George W. Bush’s USA was doing through the National Endowment for Democracy.

The MDC easily qualified itself as a sellout and puppet party, and their calling for collective Western sanctions made them unpopular back home.

In fact, the “Mugabe must go” mantra of the past two decades unintendedly revived the nationalist and patriotic sentiments that explained Mugabe’s longevity.

Ironically, it is Operation Restore Legacy that removed Mugabe as a factor in the 2018 election, both as Zanu-PF’s liability and opposition’s asset.

Equally, efforts to accommodate Mugabe and some disgruntled former Zanu-PF leaders have proved be a costly exercise for the MDC Alliance.

Not surprisingly, last week Chamisa disowned former First Lady Grace Mugabe despite previous flirtations between the MDC Alliance and NPF that are in the public domain.

“If Zanu-PF rejected her, why should I take her on board?” he said.

This does not only explain the failed attempts to unite with other desperate politicians like Joice Mujuru, but egocentric attitudes that will make 2018 a mission impossible in efforts to dislodge Zanu-PF.

At the global stage, Mugabe’s ouster has provided consolation for the West’s failed regime change agenda, judging by the warm welcome of the new dispensation by critical international players.

Britain has been at the forefront of that and Donald Trump’s recent criticism of Nelson Chamisa’s immaturity and myopic leadership says it all.

The alleged abuse of Western donor funds by the opposition and civic society even compounds the predicament.

Supposedly, the West, in general, now prefers a reformed Zanu-PF that is genuinely open for business in a peaceful and stable environment.

Politics is all about pursuit of interests, not sustaining meaningless relations.

Previous support of local opposition has cost the West a fortune both in funding and lost investment opportunities, not least because of China’s monopoly of the Look East policy.

The end is nigh for opposition leaders.

Some have resorted to terror tactics, as Mr Chamisa, through futile demonstrations, wants to be an “Earthquake” to derail the electoral process or push for another GNU.

However, ZANU-PF is alive to the plans.

“The only ridiculous thing being that he expects Zanu-PF to be an accessory to his afterlife. We will help him as a Zimbabwean, but certainly not as political figure who is contesting. If he wants any assistance from Zanu-PF, let him join the party,” noted Presidential spokesperson Mr George Charamba last week.

It is often said “if you cannot beat them, join them”.

Many opposition leaders are likely to seriously consider this adage after July 30, 2018.

Godwine Mureriwa is a political analyst. He wrote the article for The Sunday Mail. Feedback: mureriwagg@gmail.com

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Clemence Machadu
Illegal entry points also pose a security threat. They can be used to import dangerous weapons, which have the potential to cause instability.

Howdy folks!

One of the reasons why Zimbabwe is experiencing cash challenges is the high trade deficit that has been widening over the years.

Imports continue to rise excessively against exports, which are the country’s major source of foreign exchange.

On the other hand, imports are a huge drain of foreign currency to the fiscus.

Between February and June, for instance, Zimbabwe’s trade deficit widened by 33,9 percent to $1,26 billion, compared to $938 million during the same period in the prior year.

However, what should be noted is that a sizeable chunk of these imports are smuggled goods that get into the country illegally.

The Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (Zimra) is on record as saying that it has identified dozens of illegal ports of entry along the country’s borderline, and no one is manning those points — leaving them at the mercy of every rogue and unscrupulous dealer out there.

These illegal crossing points are therefore hotbeds for the movement of substandard, banned, restricted, illegal and dumped goods.

The main challenge with this ugly phenomenon is that Government is prejudiced of millions of revenue that should be funnelled into the Consolidated Revenue Fund to develop the country.

This also results in Government having inadequate revenues to finance its programmes. Ultimately, this forces Government, given its high appetite for resources, to borrow from the domestic market and crowd out the private sector in the process.

The second challenge with smuggling through both official and illegal ports of entry is that it affects the competitiveness of local industries, while rendering all the protective instruments such as SI 122 impotent and sterile.

The country cannot achieve its economic and social goals as long as it has no control over its entire borderline.

Most imported goods are posing unfair and illegal competition to locally produced products.

What’s worse is that the vendors who sell these products are equally not licensed; as a result, nothing accrues to Zimra.

Overall, this constrains the sustainable growth of formal local businesses, which end up operating at low capacity.

Zimbabwe is signatory to many trade treaties with regional and international blocs such as Comesa, Sadc and the World Trade Organisation (WTO).

Such treaties can only be enforced through well-functioning borders.

However, with many illegal ports of entry, Zimbabwe becomes vulnerable.

For example, most goods whose importation has been restricted usually find their way onto the local market.

There are also phytosanitary measures that have been put in place to protect humans, animals and plants from diseases, pests or contaminants.

By having more illegal crossing points compared to formal ones, Zimbabwe cannot effectively control the spread of pests and diseases.

Cases in point include the import ban on cold meats and poultry after the outbreak of listeria and Avian influenza, respectively, in South Africa.

But all these actions are unlikely to achieve their intended objectives for as long as the illegal borders remain in place.

Illegal entry points also pose a security threat. They can be used to import dangerous weapons, which have the potential to cause instability.

Zimbabwe, therefore, should protect its territorial integrity by prioritising border patrols and surveillance.

It is not surprising that illegal products such as skin lightening creams, expired family planning drugs, cough syrups such as Broncleer and others are now a common feature on our streets.

These products are a nuisance to the country’s social fabric.

Surely, the country cannot be left to be a dumping site for just about any commodity that can have a market.

Government has a responsibility to protect its citizens from consuming products that can pose harm to them and to protect its economy by allowing it to grow so that people can have better livelihoods.

However, the main challenge is that Zimbabwe is using the US dollar as its major trading currency, and being readily convertible and the world’s reserve currency, it is mainly being sought after by unscrupulous dealers that are flooding city sidewalks and pavements with undesirable goods.

Zimbabwe should come up with tougher laws to deal with smuggling and also commit more resources to ensure that its borders are effectively manned and secured.

Drones and other technological gadgets can be used to ensure that illegal activities are exposed or prevented as a means to safeguard the country’s territorial interests.

Local laws should not be seen to be promoting smuggling.

For instance, while Zimra is empowered to forfeit goods that are imported in contravention of the Customs and Excise Act, the tax man is also empowered to release them upon payment of a fine.

So, clearly, the laws should be strengthened to support the country’s anti-smuggling agenda.

While Zimbabwe might be open for business, that must, however, not be confused to opening our borders for just about any product.

Later folks!

Clemence Machadu is an economist and consultant. He writes for The Sunday Mail in his personal capacity.

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At the instigation of the Electoral Commission in Uganda, the East African country, through the Uganda Communications Commission, suspended Internet services from February 18, 2016 to February 21 in order to “insulate” presidential elections that were held on February 18.

Over the past 14 years, especially since the founding of social networks such as Facebook (2004) and Twitter (2006), the miracle of social media has been its ability to usurp some of the functions of corporate mass media, melt sovereign borders and make the ordinary man — through the conduit provided by the Internet — a publisher of sorts.

More so, with advances in mobile telephony, it now takes a smartphone — in all its modern iterations, be it a tablet or phablet (a cross-breed between a phone and a tablet) — a computer and an internet connection to reach any part of the world.

Being given the power to communicate, share pictures and videos in real-time has been, and still is, quite a surreal experience.

It actually felt and feels like magic.

Social media was like the Garden of Eden, if ever it can be imagined.

But there is never quite a perfect world: curious netizens (users of the Internet) gradually discovered that the Internet was no-man’s land, it answers to no one and guarantees absolute freedoms – a real paradise for trolls.

Unlike in the real world, where societal norms and values force individuals to act and behave in a responsible manner most of the times, the anonymity of the net has given netizens the camouflage and perfect bunkers from which to launch scathing attacks on supposed enemies.

And the supposed impunity that comes even after the most despicable behaviour means no one is spared the rod, even princes, heads of state, prime ministers, religious leaders and children have found themselves on the bitter, receiving end of attacks social media.

Both developed and developing countries are grappling with how to establish and enforce acceptable norms, especially during key national events and, most particularly, during the election cycle.

It is during such emotive events that robust debate easily degenerates into toxic engagements and reasonable discussions give way to dehumanising spats.

Just as in other African countries, Zimbabwe is trying to find how social media is likely to shape the local body politic ahead of the July 30 harmonised elections, especially given some of the unsettling incidents that have happened so far.

Fake news, contrived videos and documents have become handy weapons for individuals that are making calculated attacks on key national institutions.

As with any powerful instrument, social media is now being weaponised to divide more than it unites; destroy more than it builds; and to dehumanise more than it humanises.

But driving a wedge among the people in order to push selfish and parochial sectarian interests is increasingly becoming a national security issue.

Accosting reality and giving it a damaging spin, as social media is most often wont to do, is essentially sowing a wind in order to harvest, either wittingly or unwittingly, a whirlwind.

If the level of toxicity and coarseness in debates about the forthcoming elections and political preferences continue to increase in scale as we approach the plebiscite, especially on social media, one shudders to think what will happen during voting day and after the elections.

Ironically, while social media platforms — which ride on the dynamism of technology — should be taking us to the future, through unrestrained abuse, they are taking us back to the primitive ages, where one who can wield the biggest stick or the largest stone ultimately carries the day.

Unfortunately, most African countries, fearing the potentially deleterious impact that an unhinged social media would have had on their elections, have tended to disproportionately respond by suspending Internet services during elections.

At the instigation of the Electoral Commission in Uganda, the East African country, through the Uganda Communications Commission, suspended Internet services from February 18, 2016 to February 21 in order to “insulate” presidential elections that were held on February 18.

Similarly, later in the same year, on August 31, the Gabonese government suspended Internet services after the announcement of contentious presidential results, fearing that these would be conveniently used to destabilise the state.

Obligingly, Gabon Telecom — the country’s largest telecom company, which routes 91 percent of the country’s IP addresses — shut down the Internet.

Over the years, similar incidences have been recorded in African Union member states such as Burundi, Egypt, Sudan, the Central African Republic, Niger and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Local industry regulator, Postal Telecommunications Regulatory Authority of Zimbabwe (Potraz), and the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) have since indicated that Internet services will not be cut during the coming elections, which is quite comforting, but the need for an overarching legislative framework that is meant to guarantee engagements — no matter how oppositional and robust they are — remains civil and dignified.

Regulators in the United States of America (USA), where the jury is still out on how intrusive social media behaviour influenced the election of Donald Trump, is considering counter-measures to increasingly rein in social media activities that pose a threat to its key national institutions.

Similarly in the UK, which prides itself of having one of the oldest constitutional democracies, is in the process of crafting the Data Protection Bill that is designed to dial back gratuitous abuse, immoral content and human rights abuses on social media.

Most notably, a survey that was conducted by the UK last year found out that four out of 10 people had experienced abuse online, while 60 percent had seen inappropriate content.

So scathing and pervasive has been the abuse on social media that even the UK’s Digital Minister, Margot James, indicated on May 20 this year that she had also received abuse and reported it to the police.

“It’s not just (abuse) of parliamentarians, it’s any woman in public life, and some of our famous broadcasters have had the most terrible abuse online, which is completely unacceptable — if it’s not illegal, it should be and I think some of it is,” she said.

Perhaps the most important insight on how bad the abuse on social media had become is contained in a speech by UK Prime Minister Mrs Theresa May on “The Standards of Public Life” that was made on February 7, 2018 in Manchester.

“Participants in local and national public life — from candidates and elected representatives to campaigners, journalists and commentators — have to contend with regular and sustained abuse.

“Often this takes the form of overt intimidation. Social media and digital communication — which in themselves can and should be forces for good in our democracy — are being exploited and abused, often anonymously.”

“British democracy has always been robust and oppositional. But a line is crossed when disagreement mutates into intimidation. When putting across your point of view becomes trying to exclude and intimidate those with whom you disagree. . .

“And it is online where some of the most troubling behaviour now occurs,” said Mrs May.

She added: “For while there is much to celebrate, I worry that our public debate today is coarsening. That for some it is becoming harder to disagree, without also demeaning opposing viewpoints in the process. I believe that all of us — individuals, governments, and media old and new — must accept our responsibility to help sustain a genuinely pluralistic public debate. . .

“But today, the ideal of a truly plural and open public sphere where everyone can take part is in danger. A tone of bitterness and aggression has entered into our public debate. In public life, and increasingly in private conversations too, it is becoming harder and harder to conduct any political discussion, on any issue, without it descending into tribalism and rancour.”

Powerful words indeed.

In addition to establishing a governance framework for social media, there is also desperate need to repair the mainstream media to ensure that is becomes a reliable source of information for many, which minimises reliance on toxic fake news from unofficial news sources.

The media has the potential to shape and reshape social conventions and norms for the greater good.

Imagine if some of the toxic and divisive news and narratives, which are given currency on social media where to be given prominence in the mainstream media.

Some of the trash-talking, hate speech and vitriol — which mainstream media has traditionally and dutifully been keeping away from society, but, conversely, which social media has been irresponsibly driving — cannot be allowed to find voice in any self-respecting media.

Imagine if the hate speech that we continue to hear on social media was to become the staple on mainstream media. God forbid!

For a country that came through a bitter, blood-letting armed struggle to gain independence, including recent crises, it should not be lost that just like war, no one wins from sowing conflict and division.

We have a responsibility, all of us — however passionate and robust our viewpoints might be — to meaningfully and peacefully shape how we want our future to be.

We can definitely do better, but for now, social media has made us brutish caveman.

Feedback: darlington.musarurwa@zimpapers.co.zw

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The column, Chronicles from the Second Chimurenga, will be back in your favourite Sunday paper on August 12, 2018. We want to take this opportunity to thank all former freedom fighters who have given us invaluable narratives from the liberation struggle and all ardent readers of this column who have shown how thirsty Zimbabweans are to know the history of their country.
As usual brace yourselves for more fascinating and intriguing accounts from the Second Chimurenga. — Editor

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“DADDY, I think Chamisa will be defeated by ZEC. He can’t win this election,” my seven-year-old daughter said to me last week. “What do you mean?” I asked her. “Isn’t it that Chamisa and ZEC are going to clash in th elections?” she responded with conviction. “No, it’s not an election between ZEC and Chamisa,” I corrected her. “Ohhh, really? So why is Chamisa always fighting ZEC?” she innocently asked. I went on to explain the correct position, but this short conversation was enough to tell me that something is wrong somewhere.

Little Chamisa’s obsession with the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) has reached alarming levels. It’s as if the July 30 election pits him against the electoral body. No wonder why my inquisitive daughter was getting all mixed up. Sekuru vangu Matope (May his soul rest in peace) would say “Ko nhaiwe wopedzera miseve kumakunguwo, hanga dzichauya.”

Little Chamisa is misdirecting his energy. Wopedzera tumari tushomatwo kuZEC while ZANU-PF is getting on with the real electoral business? One is tempted to think little Chamisa is falling into a ZANU-PF trap where they keep you busy neturo tusina maturo while they harvest votes. Inonzi ZANU-PF iyoyo.

Anyway, so little Chamisa had his demo against ZEC last Wednesday in Harare. Quite a number of drunk MDC Alliance supporters supported their leader. They made lots of noise in the streets of Harare and as usual all this was captured by the social media. In no time some were talking about the supposed bumper crowd that had turned up for the demo.

“ZANU-PF should be worried about this,” some suggested. “Chamisa ane vanhu hey, hey,” others observed. Bishop Lazarus heard it all and laughed.

Why should ZANU-PF be worried nemurimi anodada nechibage chiri mudura chaakakohwa gore rapera? Toda murimi anoratidza humizha hwake nechibage chiri mumunda, kwete chibage chegore rakapera. It’s very possible kuti pane varasana naBishop ipapa panyaya yemurimi.

Anyway, there was nothing for ZANU-PF to worry about that crowd because ZANU-PF knows the opposition has such supporters in Harare. Those supporters are like chibage chegore rakapera chiri mudura. There is nothing to worry about at all. ZANU-PF was going to be worried if the opposition was showing that it has won over more and new supporters, but that wasn’t the case. It was the usual crowd of drunkards who take those demos as a way to kill time.

The gullible privately-owned media as usual got overexcited. “Chamisa piles pressure on ED . . . as MDC Alliance demo attracts bumper crowd,” screamed one of the papers. “I’ll announce poll results: Chamisa,” the other paper screamed. The naivety is nauseating, to be honest. No deep thought and no critical eye. It’s “zvatapihwa naChamisa tinogamuchira without any thought process”.

Little Chamisa can never pile pressure on President Mnangagwa using that crowd. He just can’t. Instead, very soon little Chamisa will realise the folly of his actions. That crowd will soon come back to haunt him as election observers give reports saying “the electoral field was even as the opposition was given enough space to demonstrate”. So instead of piling pressure on ED, that crowd should actually excite ED because that crowd will work wonders to give him legitimacy.

In case little Chamisa has forgotten, a quick reminder here may be useful to little Chamisa and those thinking that that Harare crowd should worry the President.  Does anyone still remember the Permanent Secretary for Information, Media and Broadcasting Services, Mr George Charamba, saying the following: “This election is about restoring international re-engagement and legitimacy; that is where we are. It must be flawless, it must be transparent, it must be free, it must be fair, it must meet international standards, it must be violence free and therefore it must be universally endorsed because it is an instrument of foreign policy . . . It’s about re-engagement and legitimacy; we are playing politics at a higher level.”

The import of what Mr Charamba was saying is that demonstrations like the one that the opposition organised last Wednesday are very welcome for legitimacy purposes. So hey you gullible scribes, that demonstration was not about piling pressure on ED, but was about legitimising ED. With opposition leaders like little Chamisa, there is really no need to do much. They do much for you.

As he sought spiritual illumination we read Psalm 119 vs 18 that David said:  “Open my eyes that I may see wonderful things in your law.” Little Chamisa needs to whisper such a prayer to his lost mind. But then it seems we are a little late to save this little boy.

Besides organising a demo to legitimise the July 30 elections, the little boy is taking the tomfoolery to violent levels. Reports say after getting no joy from the demo, little Chamisa with the help of a few hoodlums stormed ZEC offices threatening to unleash violence.

“ZANU-PF and President Mnangagwa must be whispering ‘yes, yes! Go Chamisa, go!” Besides exposing little Chamisa as a violent and clueless leader, that silly act at the ZEC offices works wonders with election observers. “While President Mnangagwa was preaching peace, MDC Alliance leader Chamisa was leading in perpetrating violence,” reports by election observers will say. What else can President Mnangagwa ask for?

We have for long known that little Chamisa will act silly and desperate as the election clock continues ticking, but never thought it would be so early in this month of July. And many are wondering why little Chamisa losing it so fast. Well, the usual culprits told us the story, but then we chose to ignore them. Professor Welshman Ncube and Tendai Biti gave us an explanation a few days ago.

Biti was the first to openly expose the MDC Alliance confessing that the party had nothing in its coffers. He said something to the effect that “tiri kurarama nenyasha dzaMwari blah, blah, blah.” Professor Ncube decided to hammer the point in emphatic fashion.

“We are living on a hand to mouth budget, and this is a daily thing. As of now no one has contributed towards that. But we have done posters and billboards and we will continue to appeal for donations. There is a finance committee headed by Tendai Biti, which is working 24×7 to mobilise resources,” said Prof Ncube.

Now dear congregants, you should understand little Chamisa when he acts silly and all. Kushaya mari kunoshatirisa, especially to someone who once had a good taste of easy and cheap money. All that anger against ZEC and kungovukura, it’s the little boy venting his anger and desperation.

There is no politics without money. Was it US politician Jesse “Big Daddy” Unruh who once said: “Money is the mother’s milk of politics?” The MDC Alliance has no “mother’s milk of politics” and the anger by little Chamisa should be understandable.

In their 2016 book, “The Cost of Democracy,” Kevin Casas-Zamora and Daniel Zoratto clearly articulate how expensive democracy is and little Chamisa is making this discovery at a wrong time. According to the writers, there is one unavoidable fact — that is while democracy has no price, it does have an operating cost. In addition, the writers note that the use of economic resources is an essential element for democratic competition.

Saka moda mwana adii? He is realising that money is the fuel of politics, apa haana mari yacho. Odii mwana? Unongoitawo tuhasha so, so that your drunk supporters in the stupor think zviri kufamba.

Can you imagine these people who knew elections were coming but still failed to get organised and raise funds for their campaign think they can run this country? Ngatimire mafunnies imi vanhu.

But then little Chamisa’s frustration is making him say the weirdest things. He now wants ZANU-PF to join him in his acts of desperation.

“ZANU-PF has never complained, not even once. Which team have you seen that plays a game without complaining, not even once to an impartial referee? It’s therefore clear that they are not players in this game and that the referee has picked a side,” moaned little Chamisa last week.

Kwanzi naChamisa, ZANU-PF ngatichemei tese? Zhamba wega iwe. ZANU-PF is busy campaigning on the ground.

Dear congregants, don’t be surprised when little Chamisa does the unthinkable in the coming days. They are thinking of embarking on night vigils in protest against ZEC. Muchando muno siyayi vanhu varare panze, vangwandurwe nacho chando. That may win them votes. You never know.

In these times when even professors think a vote can miraculously migrate from Chamisa to President Mnangagwa on the ballot box, anything is possible.

And hey good people, even the Holy Book tells us that the world is full of desperate people. In Psalm 142 vs 6 the Holy Book says: “Listen to my cry, for I am in desperate need; rescue me from those who pursue me, for they are too strong for me.”

Let’s listen to little Chamisa’s cry. He is in desperate need. Am not sure we can rescue him from defeat, for ZANU-PF is too strong for him.

Bishop is out!

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Restarting and restructuring the economy has been a priority since November last year.

The agricultural and mining sectors, the country’s largest foreign currency earners, have largely taken the lead in pulling the country out of economic doldrums.

Both sectors are doing very well, with production targets being surpassed.

The journey began in 2000 when Zimbabwe embarked on its land reform programme, a hugely contested move which resulted in the Southern African nation being isolated by the West.

It has been 18 long years since 12,1 million hectares of land —about 31 percent of the prime agricultural land — was redistributed from about 3 500 white former commercial farmers to over 276 600 households.

Unfortunately, the economic mismanagement and hyperinflation of the 2000s did not help the newly empowered black farmers who only had land, passion and very limited capital.

Nevertheless, the resettled farmers saved, invested and re-invested the little they had on only part of their land.

From their limited production, they could not save enough to buy the fertilisers and tractors required for the large farms.

Still, production gradually grew from measly to ample.

Jobs were created along the way. Experience was gained along the way.

It has been close to two decades since then, and the gains of the land reform programme are now clear for everyone to see.

But it took the ambitious Command Agriculture programme to nudge the land reform programme to this current success.

Export incentives, which increased from 5 percent last season to 12,5 percent this season, also helped in breathing life into the sector.

Then there was the Tobacco Input Credit Scheme, which almost trebled from $28 million in 2017 to $70 million this year.

With all these fundamentals in place, tobacco farmers increased from 82 000 last year to over 145 000 this year.

As a result, Zimbabwe is now on the verge of a record-breaking tobacco marketing season.

Deliveries of the golden leaf, at 230 million kilogrammes, are only seven million kg shy of record deliveries made in 2000.

All indications are that this year’s tobacco will set new records for Zimbabwe.

This jump in production of the golden leaf is symbolic as it will be the first time after the land reform programme for the country to realise record deliveries.

But tobacco is not the only success story.

Great things are also happening in cotton production and a revival of the textile industry is on the horizon.

Deliveries of the white gold have since exceeded the 54 000 metric tonnes that were purchased during last year’s marketing season.

The tonnage is expected to increase as deliveries are still trickling in.

This upward trend has been going on for the past three years as Government has been supporting small-scale cotton farmers under the Presidential Inputs Scheme.

In maize production, Zimbabwe produced 2,2 million tonnes in 2017, the highest in two decades.

The nation, which is now food secure as a result, now has a new headache — storage of the grain.

Meanwhile, distribution of free inputs for the 2018/2019 summer cropping season through the Presidential Inputs Scheme has already begun.

Farmers have absolutely no reason for not exceeding this year’s production in the coming cropping season.

Development economist Ian Scoones from the UK’s Institute of Development Studies at Sussex University is one of the many people who have been “genuinely surprised” at the success of the land reform programme after studying this subject with interest.

Scoones is on record remarking to the BBC News that “people were getting on with things in difficult circumstances and doing remarkably well”.

“Difficult circumstances” are no excuse for low production in any sector.

The agricultural sector has proved that.

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Teddie Bepete
Only a few days earlier, the Zimbabwean dream had been threatened through the assassination attempt on the country’s top leaders.

During his recent address to Heads of State and Government gathered at the 31 ordinary session of the African Union (AU) Summit in Nouakchott, Mauritania last month, President Emmerson Mnangagwa outlined what the new dispensation stands for and seeks to accomplish.

Under his stewardship, Zimbabwe is set to become a middle-income economy by 2030, a dream that clearly irks many detractors, which might help explain the horrific grenade attack at White City Stadium on June 23.

Before making his way to Mauritania, President Mnangagwa was on a two-day State visit to Tanzania at the invitation of President John Magufuli.

Tanzania is a very important development partner for Zimbabwe.

Apart from being East Africa’s second-biggest economy, the two countries share close historical ties.

Whilst addressing his Tanzanian counterpart, President Mnangagwa said about Zimbabwe’s cherished engagement with Dar es Salaam: “Tanzania is the midwife of our freedom.”

Tanzania, under Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, played a pivotal role in providing technical, moral and logistical support to the war effort against colonialism.

This time, President Mnangagwa was back in Dar es Salaam not as a guerilla, but as a Head of State keen to redirect the trajectory of his country along a progressive path.

The two countries undertook to pursue and strengthen cooperation in trade, investment and tourism.

Only a few days earlier, the Zimbabwean dream had been threatened through the assassination attempt on the country’s top leaders.

President Mnangagwa’s miraculous survival should be a lesson to his detractors that he is the anointed one, anointed not by earthly powers, but by the empyrean realm.

The peace that continues to exist notwithstanding the attempt on the President’s life also shows the kind of Statesman he is.

According to Gautama Buddha, “There has to be evil so that good can prove its purity above it.”

The White City attack was a callous and satanic act, which deserves to be condemned by all.

But most notably, when President Mnangagwa touched down in Dar es Salaam, the heavens opened up and his counterpart was quick to note that his was good omen ahead of the harmonised elections in eight days time.

President Mnangagwa’s electoral victory has since been projected by two leading British intellectuals – Prof Stephen Chan and Prof Dianna Jeater.

According to Prof Chan, the MDC-T is a force plagued by recriminations since the death of its founding leader, Mr Morgan Tsvangirai.

Instead of focusing on ways to build a new Zimbabwe, the opposition is busy forging make-believe alliances that are currently caught up in egocentric struggles.

And instead of selling their policies, the MDC-T factions are in the throes of a struggle for the party’s logos and symbols.

Whilst Zanu-PF has sheared off some of the liabilities that affected the party in the old administration and sought to deepen democracy, the MDC-T seems to have regressed from its supposed principles of democracy as manifested by the warring factions within its ranks.

President Mnangagwa recently indicated that some parties now seem to be unnerved by democracy.

He said: “Government has put in place all the necessary measures to ensure that our elections are free, fair and credible. I am aware of little political parties that are afraid of elections. They get frightened by democracy, but democracy has come to stay in this new dispensation. We allow people to have freedom of speech and we guarantee that this election shall be free, fair, transparent and credible, peaceful, non-violent.”

As Zanu-PF’s campaign juggernaut rolls on peacefully, the hare-brained opposition – obviously feeling the heat – has resorted to chimerical accusations against the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) in a bid to derail elections.

Mr Nelson Chamisa and company must realise that despite their jitters, the election is going to proceed peacefully and the Zimbabwean dream will never be stopped.

History tells us that our national dream can only be sustained by martyrs; those who were tried by death for the good of their land.

President Mnangagwa belongs to this caste of heroes, a leader groomed on the anvil of death, and whose formidable survival forte would make any non-believer believe in the authenticity of the new dispensation.

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