Mama Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, we have got a new breed of political leaders in our midst.

They appeal to our sense of humour.

They claim to be good orators, like we are supposed to eat their artificially sweetened words. As if we are witnessing a high school speech contest.

But what has got our minds rather vexed is the fact that when they speak, we all laugh and wonder if this is serious politics or stand-up comedy.

Mama, when Juju Malema was delivering his speech last week at your funeral, he didn’t sound like he was joking.

His body language said it all; he meant every word he uttered with regards to the sell-outs, the landless people, the dejected masses and economic freedom.

Why then Mama, did President Cyril Ramaphosa burst into laughter?

Even the bereaved Zenani Mandela-Dlamini could afford a giggle as Malema paid homage to her mother.

Could it have been that the whole stadium had an abnormal sense of humour?

Television viewers from across the world, Mama, joined in the laughter. Is the world becoming a better place, after all? Or is it because we are black?

I have been thinking Mama, were they all amused by Malema’s “jokes”, or was he the joke?

I’m still waiting for your signal.

Mama, in our part of the world, God has also given us a political comedian called Nelson Chamisa of the MDC-T.

Like a pro, he makes people laugh and forget their worries, albeit briefly.

But the cycle is quickly becoming tedious.

Chamisa pronounces his non-thoughts, people laugh at him, and then they go on with their lives, waiting for yet another joke.

When this gent dreams of bullet trains and turning our untainted Victoria Falls into a Las Vegas, as well as the spaghetti roads and village airports; why exactly do the people of Zimbabwe laugh?

Is it in response to his jokes or they are mocking him?

Mama, you did not tell us how to deal with Chamisa come elections in 2018.

Please give us a signal on how to deal with him.

Are we supposed to take him seriously and put our bright future into the hands of such comedians?

Could it be that the political landscape is no longer as “boring” as it was during your times Mama, when everyone took politicians seriously and politicians also took themselves seriously?

Why is it that we now have national jokes like Chamisa masquerading as important politicians with important things to say and yet they are better suited to political stand-up comedy?

Mama, tell us, should we ignore these fellows? Should we take them seriously?

Should we take them as humorous diversions from the real business of getting our economy to work as it should?

Give us a signal, Mama.

After all, some of his jokes are not funny at all and speak of a dangerous politician who will do anything it takes to grab power.

There is nothing to laugh about when he promises a bloodbath after he sends his “guys from Mbare” to cause havoc when MDC-T inevitably loses the 2018 elections.

It is highly irresponsible and points to a grossly unsafe proposition for occupation of national office.

The rest of the nation is focussed on economic turnaround and a decidedly unfunny politician thinks he should be planning violence; the same kind of violence that was used to chase away his MDC-T competitors and almost saw Thoko Khupe burnt alive in Buhera this year.

Mama, help us, it is not funny at all.

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Francis Mupazviriho
One of the most defining features of this year’s Workers’ Day is that it comes under the banner of the new dispensation that has largely pronounced local investment promotion and employment creation.

This ultimately trickles down to the worker who drives the processes.

The ease of doing business, much as it is commonly defined in the outward sense of instituting reforms for foreign establishments, is in fact a blanket requisite.

It includes locals who yearn that their daily businesses are not scuttled by cumbersome and deterring procedures and other such excesses which have been defined as the bane for a conducive business environment.

On Tuesday, Zimbabwe joins the rest of the world in commemorating Workers’ Day.

Workers’ Day recognises employees as a collective group and individual contribution to different sectors of the economy. While it has become a repertoire to praise the worker for their invaluable contributions and the resolve towards the national good, there is also a spectre of the changing labour situation, globally. The changing labour dynamics are many and these include: the drive to highly technological societies which have in turn redefined the place of labour intensive organisation across economic sectors.

This reality therefore means that unlike before, more work could be done with less workforce.

But there continues this yearning for wholesome employment, for survival, or at least “starting a life”.

There is also the reality of labour migration, which has meant, quite often that today’s worker is often cosmopolitan, unlike in the past.

There is no doubt that these realities have had social effects at times for the worker, who in search of opportunities goes far flung and at times with a bearing on the family unit.

Furthermore, there are emerging sectors which are increasingly gaining appeal especially to the youth.

There is also the increasingly attractive graphical designing industry which our youths, having an entrepreneurial niche have found fervour to.

For Zimbabwe, despite these emerging trends, there is still much hope on the investment promotion drive and employment creation.

In this global architecture, it is therefore apparent that there are competing interests which have to find each other.

This is true, especially in our local context, where there is yearning for jobs, while at the same time there is the reality of globalisation which has in fact meant that some goods and services are now acquired through the click of a                                                                                     button.

This therefore explains the call towards productivity at the national level.  It is trite that the issue of competitiveness thus defines the global business environment and ultimately trickles down to the worker.

In this vein therefore, the local conditions for Zimbabwe exist under this international realm, which all shows that the worker still needs to have their rights protected from the employer, be they local or foreign.

The recently held Dialogue on Employment Creation by Government and the International Labour Organisation, which brought together Government officials, the private sector and experts from the region and internationally precisely underscored this incisive point.

It is equally important that Zimbabwe commemorates Workers’ Day, in the aftermath of the ruling which compelled employers who had terminated workers contracts arbitrarily to pay damages for loss of employment in retrospect.

This compensation is well founded in terms of Section 12 C of the Labour Act.

When one looks at Zimbabwe today, there is a new spirited drive to ensure the ease of doing business and investment promotion which have no doubt been the lynchpins of President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s presidency.

The Chief Executive Officer of the Rwandan Development Board, Ms Clare Akamanzi, was recently in the country and shared her country’s journey to becoming one of the leading nations in Africa, in terms of the ease of doing business.

Today, there is now much emphasis towards productivity, even at the individual level as well.

We heard this very well in the inaugural address when the President mentioned that the time for bureaucratic excesses is over.

The drive towards productivity and having a new work ethic thus defines the new needed mettle for today’s worker.

There are continuous trends which are happening, however, including casual of labour.

Unlike in the olden days when employment was largely indefinite, or “permanent”, there is now more of casual labour.

Employers hire for shorter periods of time, due to low production and at times possibly to lessen contractual obligations which ordinarily come with a full-time service.

Yet despite all these emerging trends, it is trite that the worker still has rights, and this is precisely why social dialogue is key.

Despite the shifting scale of the labour divide on the global landscape, what remains key is decent work across the board.

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Norman Muchemwa
Zimbabwe experienced the deadliest cholera epidemic between August 2008 and June 2009, with over 1 000 lives claimed and nearly 98 000 cases recorded.
The deadly disease started in Chitungwiza and spread across the whole country at an unprecedented level, before wreaking havoc beyond the country’s borders.

In January this year, five people from Chegutu succumbed to cholera, but the disease was later contained after intervention from the Ministry of Health and Child Care.

With that sad 2008 chapter still fresh in the minds of many people, the country has once again been hit with smidgens of the disease.

Twenty-nine cases of cholera have been recorded in the past two weeks in Chitungwiza and Harare.

An epidemiology and surveillance report by the Ministry of Health and Child Care shows that as of April 17 2018, 29 cases were on the line list. There were 17 suspected cases, 10 confirmed, two probable and among these, three deaths.

A 24-year-old male from Stoneridge succumbed to the disease at Chitungwiza Central Hospital after being admitted.

A few days later, his father also succumbed to the same disease.

The continued resurfacing of the deadly disease has been attributed to poor service delivery from the MDC-T run local authorities.

Most parts of Harare and Chitungwiza have no running water. Burst sewer pipes are a common sight in some areas.

Chitungwiza has no permanent water supply system and relies on supplies from Harare City Council, which the City Fathers have since admitted is not fit for human consumption.

Uncollected garbage piles are a permanent feature in almost every high-density suburb of Harare and Chitungwiza, making the two cities fertile breeding ground for the bacteria which causes cholera.

According to medical experts, cholera is an acute diarrhoeal infection caused by the bacterium Vibrio cholerae.

Human excreta

Humans are the only relevant reservoir, even though Vibrios can survive for a long time in coastal waters contaminated by human excreta.

The disease is contracted by consuming food or water contaminated with the faecal bacteria Vibrio cholerae.

Consumption of contaminated water and food results in infection.

Cholera causes acute dehydration as a result of rapid loss of body fluids and that why the disease can be deadly within hours if a patient is not treated.

Director Epidemiology and Disease Control in the Ministry of Health and Child Care Dr Portia Manangazira said the ministry, working in partnership with some international organisations, had managed to put the outbreak under check.

“With the help of the World Health Organisation at a global scale and local level support from Unicef, Oxfam and Medecins Sans Frontiers (MSF), who are assisting us with medicine and equipment to fight the disease, we have managed to contain the spread of cholera,” she said.

“Unicef activated the standby contingency partner, Oxfam, to respond to the outbreak with distribution of kits to fight the disease and they supported the Initial Multi-Sectoral Rapid Assessment in Stoneridge.

“Unicef is also providing bulk water to affected areas.”

In Chitungwiza, the MSF helped set up a camp at St Mary’s Clinic where all suspected cases of cholera are referred.

The area is said to be the most affected and vulnerable due to unavailability of clean water and poor sanitation. As a preventive measure, Dr Manangazira said the ministry is seriously considering vaccinations.

Hotspot mapping

“We have had a high-level technical support team to start working on how best we can do hotspot mapping, and how best we can target specific areas with high risk of getting contamination.

“We want to protect people in these areas by administering vaccines before they contract the disease. We now have a vaccine that prevents cholera and typhoid.”

Dr Manangazira urged residents to practise basic hygiene by boiling and treating all drinking water, adding that borehole water should be taken with caution.

Harare City Council Acting Health Services Director Dr Clemence Duri said they are working with other departments to address the main drivers of cholera.

“As the Health Services Department, we are working with relevant departments to address water, sanitation and hygiene issues which are the main drivers of cholera,” he said.

“We are also conducting awareness campaigns so that the public must have knowledge of the disease and how it can be handled.”

Chitungwiza Hospital public relations manager Mrs Audrey Tasaranarwo told The Sunday Mail that the hospital has the capacity to stabilise patients who come to the medical institution before they are referred to St Mary’s Clinic.

Chairperson of Chitungwiza and Manyame Residents’ Association Mr Marvellous Khumalo said poor service delivery by the local authority was the main cause of the cholera outbreak.

“Without adequate safe and clean drinking water running from the taps, the outbreaks will always occur. Council is to blame,” he said.

“Local authorities have a major role to play in effective service delivery if we are to entertain any hopes of a cholera-free Zimbabwe.”

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 Japhet Moyo
The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions will be commemorating this year’s Workers’ Day in different parts of the country, but the main events will be at Dzivaresekwa Stadium in Harare and Stanley Square in Bulawayo on Tuesday.

Zimbabweans, and workers in particular, face a myriad of challenges that range from poverty, inequality, unemployment and underemployment, wage theft, labour brokers and unfair labour practices.

We cannot face these challenges if we continue to mourn without tackling them head-on.

It is upon realisation that we are masters of our destiny that we celebrate Labour Day with the theme: “We are at a crossroad, arise and organise. Do not mourn”.

The past year has not been good for Zimbabwean workers as most of them had to endure long difficult months without salaries, with some only being paid enough to get them back to work the next day.

A recent study by the ZCTU has shown that the majority of employees are working without pay while their bosses are living luxurious lives.

The gap between the rich and the poor continues to widen.

Our research shows that at least 120 000 workers across the country worked without pay between 2015 and last year.

An estimated 350 000 formally employed workers have sunk into poverty, while their bosses live large: This is wage theft.

Wage theft is the denial of wages or employee benefits that are rightfully owed to an employee.

This can be conducted through various means such as: failure to pay overtime, minimum wage violations, employee misclassification, illegal deductions of salary, working off the clock, or not being paid at all.

While we appreciate the liquidity challenges that the country is facing due to various reasons, we believe most of them are of our own Government making.

There must be policies that ensure equitable distribution of available resources. After all, it is the worker who toils day and night to ensure the companies realise profits.

When in 2011 the ZCTU started campaigns against excessive salary disparities most people did not take it seriously until the media began exposing top company bosses who were earning between $60 000 and $500 000 per month, while the lowest workers were earning as little as $200 per month.

Today we stand here vindicated. As labour, we are very much alive to efforts by employers to decimate our membership through unnecessary retrenchments and termination of contracts using obnoxious laws designed to destroy the labour movement in the country.

It is sad to note that we continue to pronounce laws that point to labour market flexibility without due regard to the rights of workers.

Although investment is key in employment creation in any country, it is our strong view that any investor coming into the country must bring not just jobs, but decent jobs that offer living wages and safe and humane working conditions.

In that regard, we call upon Government to ensure that those investing in Special Economic Zones abide by the labour laws of this country.

A repeat of export processing zones where workers were stripped of their fundamental rights should not be entertained.

Unemployment has become a big threat to Zimbabwe’s stability. We must put our heads together to fight this threat.

We are worried that the high level of unemployment is contributing to the rise in poverty, in turn leading to breakdown of families and a rise in vices such as child prostitution, and drug and alcohol abuse among others.

Workers have the power to decide their own destiny.

As we approach the 2018 plebiscite, we urge them to exercise their voting right to elect leaders who have their interests at heart.

In labour we have permanent interests and not permanent friends.

Mr Japhet Moyo is the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions secretary-general. He wrote the article for The Sunday Mail

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Nyasha Mutsindikwa
Mayor Bernard Manyenyeni has excelled in areas such as the roads and housing sectors.

During the first years in office, there was not much activity from the mayor and his team. However the last few years have been filled with development, especially in the area of road rehabilitation.

The roads situation has improved and we are witnessing major upgrades of laying new surfaces in most parts of the city.

In the central business district, one-way roads have been created to ensure smooth passage of vehicles. This was an improvement. There is also the issue of housing. The Harare City Council has tried to partner a number of players to ensure housing for all. However, I feel low-income earners have been sidelined because the housing units are expensive.

Council also worked on regularising some of the housing settlements which were illegal.  Challenges remain on vendors. City fathers have not managed to remove vendors from the streets.

The vendor situation worsened probably due to economic situation in the country.

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David Dzatsunga
The civil service Apex Council, on behalf all Government workers as represented by its member unions and associations, is happy to unite all workers in commemorating Workers Day – our day – this Tuesday.

This, indeed, will be the day to look back at the rough road we have travelled, our victories and our challenges. It is our clarion call as the Apex Council that there has never been a greater need than now for workers in Zimbabwe to unite.

It is time to shun the ugly spectre of splintering that has seen us pointing swords at one another instead of fighting the neo-liberal onslaught that is threatening to reverse our hard-earned gains.

In the recent past, we have seen splits in our main labour bodies over petty and often selfish ends.

This has benefited capitalists who are historical enemies of workers in our great country.

Our capacity to organise for effective action has been diminished by our divisions as we have tended to allow party political hawks to manipulate and dilute our ideological purity and commitment to the cause of the poor and needy who look to us for principled leadership.

As Government workers organised under the Apex Council, we have always been fighting for the right to collective bargaining.

We have pushed hard for the harmonisation of our labour law and thus the amendment of the Public Service Act so that it is in sync with Section 65 of our Constitution and the ILO Conventions that our Government long ratified.

We are deeply concerned and pained that Government is delaying amendments to the Public Service Act and we state without prevarication that a right delayed is a right denied.

We grudgingly appreciate the development where Cabinet has now passed the principles to amend the Public Service Act and call upon Government to speed up the remainder of the process.

The absence of a collective bargaining council for the civil service is neither good for the employer nor for the workers.

It can only portend discord in settling labour disputes and lead to wildcat strikes that are not guided by any agreed process to dispute resolution.

As civil servants, we have witnessed a certain unilateralism in the withdrawal/suspension of schoolteachers’ vacation leave, much against the law and natural justice.

The civil service rationalisation exercise has gone ahead without consultation and workers have had to speculate as to its letter and spirit.

We believe the doctors and nurses strike would have been handled better if the law was clear and agreed upon. It should concern Government, as it obviously does the workers, that civil servants have not had a salary increment since year the 2013. This is so in spite of a 2014 agreement to bring salaries of the lowest paid workers to PDL level.

Government must not take the workers’ patience for granted and should make this issue a priority.

It is our fervent hope as Apex Council that the new dispensation will see Government change its attitude towards how it handles the welfare of its workers.

Mr David Dzatsunga is the Apex Council secretary. He prepared the statement for The Sunday Mail

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THERE is a certain refreshing aura around names on the official list of candidates contesting today’s Zanu-PF primary elections ahead of national elections scheduled for July this year.

Some of the names, do not guarantee an articulate and compelling chanting of the revolutionary party’s slogans but assure you of getting the job done when it comes to economic revival or the business push that is being championed by President Cde Emmerson Mnangagwa.

From the very day he assumed office on 24 November 2018, President Mnangagwa has emphasised that his Government will not pursue the politics of antagonising supposed enemies as was in the past but rather push policies that further Zimbabwe’s economic and national interest.

His “Zimbabwe is open for business” mantra has become an anthem and would-be investors have been falling over each other as they queue to scan the Zimbabwean market.

Addressing Johane Masowe YeChishanu Vadzidzi VaJesu Church pilgrims from across Africa at their Madziva Shrine, Mashonaland Central Province last Wednesday, President Mnangagwa said FDI commitments over the last four months had topped the $11 billion mark.

“For the past four months, we have been discussing and realised that investment commitments have passed $11 billion as companies are angling themselves for mutual benefit. The figures are too high as we have never reached such numbers previously,” said the President.

Zimbabweans of the requisite intellectual ability and requisite industrial experience, the type that talk the language that is well understood by investors which the country is pulling all stops to lure, have responded by submitting their CVs to contest national elections on the Zanu-PF ticket. This is a first for the ruling party.

While some will naturally fail to make it past the primary test, their mere participation will push them in good stead with the ruling party and going forward, they will have Zanu-PF’s ear should the ruling party retain power as is widely expected.

Most importantly, some will make it through and go on to take public office and begin to run public offices the way they are used to: the business way.

Mines and Mining Development Minister Cde Winston Chitando, hitherto an unknown political actor but an accomplished business executive recently Executive Chairman with the country’s second platinum producer – Mimosa Mining Company, has already secured his way to the national election after being nominated unopposed for the Gutu Central parliamentary seat.

It would be folly for a Zanu-PF supporter to expect Cde Chitando to burst into a revolutionary song, typical Zimbabwean style, at Mupandawana Business Centre and get the crowd on the edges of their seats before addressing a political rally punctuated by compelling slogans.

It’s not his field.

You will never get that from a technocrat of Chitando’s worthy.

Not that it’s wrong, NO. It’s just not his forte.

An accountant by training, Minister Chitando in December left his position as Mimosa Mining Company Executive Chairman, a position he had assumed in April 2013 having previously served as Managing Director of the company since October 2007.

He has been in the mining sector since 1984 when he joined Anglo American Corporation as a graduate trainee at Hwange Colliery Company and he comes in with a wealthy of experience which will be key in realising President Mnangagwa’s dream of championing economic revival on the back of the mining sector.

It is no surprise therefore that barely four months into his new “job” Minister Chitando played a key role in the signing of the $4, 2 billion platinum investment deal that will see the creation of 15 000 direct as 75 000 indirect jobs.

The constituency that Minister Chitando is “inheriting” is being vacated by Zanu PF Chief Whip Cde Lovemore Matuke. For such a senior Zanu-PF member to leave the seat for Minister Chitando, there must be something big going on in Gutu Central.

Those who have worked with him at Mimosa, will tell you that Gutu Central is blessed because Minister Chitando is a man of action and very few words. No wonder why, despite clinching several mega mining deals, he remains modest and humble.

Several other captains of industry, business leaders, industrialists and professionals have heeded the President’s call and are battling it out with the usual campaigners for the right to represent the ruling party at the July national plebiscite.

Distinguished travel and tour operator Cde Emmanuel Fundira has made a pitch for the Shurugwi North National House of Assembly seat where he is battling it out with incumbent and former Tourism and Environment Minister Cde Francis Nhema and three other comrades.

Whether Fundira goes on to win the right to run for Shurugwi North on behalf of Zanu-PF or not, tomorrow will tell us, but the most important thing is President Mnangagwa’s pitch and call for a new path has convinced this tourism technocrat to ask for a front row seat in the ruling party juggernaut.

If he goes on to win, you are assured the President’s ear is now being whispered into by a person who know all the ins and outs of the industry.

Fundira is a heavyweight in the tourism sector and if these are the people that the ruling party and the President will work with then the sector is surely poised for a rebound.

As chairman of the Safari Operators Association of Zimbabwe, President of Operators and Outfitters Association of Southern Africa (OPHASA) and Non-Executive Board Member of several listed and non-listed companies Fundira has a wealthy of industrial experience.

Those amongst us who follow current affairs would know of Africa’s richest billionaire, one Aliko Dangote, of the Dangote group who of late has been working on a framework to invest in locally.

The person behind his interest and visit, businesswoman and filmmaker, Josey Mahachi has made a pitch for the Hatfield House of Assembly seat.

While negotiations between Government and the Dangote group are still ongoing and whether he goes on to invest or not, for Mahachi to have nailed down a businessman worthy over $13 billion and convince him to fly into Zimbabwe over and above sending several technical teams speaks on her acumen.

And to think that she is among the people vying for a front row seat into the circle that the President will and can assign duties, brings a positive vibe and expectation to Zimbabwe’s economic prospects.

There has been something toxic about Zimbabwean politics over the years that some who have earned title in academics have previously considered themselves rather too smarter for our national politics.

But the trend has changed, Foreign Affairs and International Trade Minister Retired Lieutenant-General Dr Sibusiso Moyo who holds a PHD in International Relations and easily gets away as the most qualified for the foreign affairs brief that Zimbabwe has ever had has also jumped in.

Appointed into Government in December last year as one of the five non constituency technocrats, Dr Moyo – under President Mnangagwa’s leadership, has been the face of Zimbabwe’s reengagement effort and has seen it worthy the while that he is pitching for a return via a senatorial seat in Mberengwa.

Other notable executives, business people and professionals in the revolutionary party’s primaries are Chitungwiza Central Hospital chief executive Dr Obadiah Moyo, former Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries president Calisto Jokonya (Chivi South), former Zinara boss Frank Chitukutuku (Goromonzi South) and this publication’s Features and Opinions Editor, Garikai Mazara (Guruve South).

Zinwa chief executive officer Jefta Sakupwanya (Mutasa Central), Grain Millers Association of Zimbabwe Chairperson Mr Tafadzwa Musarara, banker and corporate guru Mr Ozias Bvute, ZBC journalists Tendai Munengwa and Andrew Neshamba (both Mt Darwin South) and Richard Siyakurima (Uzumba) are also in the race.

It’s not only Zimbabwe that is open for business. Zanu-PF is also opening up for serious business. This is refreshing and re-assuring.

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In his 2016 state of the city address, the mayor said “Council approved 14 vending sites in the CBD. City of Harare has about plus or minus 20 000 informal traders in the City against the City’s capacity of 6 000 Informal traders. ”

When Bernard Manyenyeni was elected Harare mayor in 2013, he was full of zeal.

Those in opposition politics said Harare had found the right man to set the capital city on the right path.

Some said the appointment was the best since William Fairbridge (1897-98) became the first mayor of what was then called Salisbury.

His supporters pointed to his 25-plus years in financial services as a major asset.

They said the likes of Tizirai Gwata, Oliver Chidawu, Jabulani Thembani, Simon Chikwavaire, Charles Tawengwa, Tony Gara and Solomon Tawengwa would all pale in comparison.

In his maiden state of the city address in 2016, Manyenyeni said: “When we came into office, I indicated that the target is to leave council and the city better than we found it. Just over halfway through, I can reinforce that and assure you that it will happen.”

Two years later, and a few months before the end of his tenure, Manyenyeni is admitting failure.

In his final state of the city address recently, he was gentleman enough to say the seat was “too hot”.

Several issues will define Manyenyeni’s legacy; not least of all his handling of the capital’s water crisis, the farce around the appointment of a town clerk, the vending menace, traffic congestion on unlit and pot-holed streets, and a deteriorating refuse collection system.

Water and sanitation

Manyenyeni came into office in 2013 when Harare was facing a water crises.

Suburbs like Mabvuku, Tafara, Msasa Park and Borrowdale had no running water. Five years on, the situation has hardly improved.

China Eximbank approved a $144 million loan for Harare Water, largely to rehabilitate the Morton Jaffray, Prince Edward, and Firle plants, and to revamp the distribution network.

The first tranche of $72 million came with controversy as the city splurged on luxury cars.

The second disbursement is yet to be released but council claims the first was used to rehabilitate Morton Jaffray, starting in April 2013.

But the work remains incomplete.

Council says water supply has increased by 150 mega litres, but residents still experience cuts.

Water quality has also deteriorated drastically, due to limited treatment capacity as yet more controversy dogs the awarding of treatment chemical supply tenders to dodgy operators, some of them linked to the mayor’s MDC-T party.

After years of adamantly arguing that Harare water met WHO standards, Manyenyeni in 2017 admitted the quality was not up to scratch.

Raw sewage still flows in many western suburbs.

Town clerk

After firing CEO Dr Tendai Mahachi in July 2015, Harare is yet to get a substantive town clerk and directors have taken turns to sit in the chair on an acting capacity.

In 2016, Harare appointed former banker James Mushore.

However, his appointment was terminated on the same day as Government cited breach of recruitment procedures.

Last year, council forwarded the names of Dr Tapiwa Mashakada (MDC- T economic advisor), Dr Cainos Chingombe (Harare human capital director) and Mrs Elizabeth Gwatipedza (Gweru town clerk) for consideration by the Local Government Board.

The LGB also rejected the list.

Manyenyeni has taken the LGB to court over the issue. In the meantime, service delivery suffers.

Vendors

Harare’s streets, pavements and road islands have been invaded by vendors and hawkers, making many of them impassable without stepping on wares for sale.

Council has designated vending space, but provided little to sero supporting infrastructure like paved roads, stalls and ablution facilities.

Some vendors have resisted relocations.

In his 2016 state of the city address, the mayor said “Council approved 14 vending sites in the CBD. City of Harare has about plus or minus 20 000 informal traders in the City against the City’s capacity of 6 000 Informal traders. The rest of the informal traders will be relocated to the 616 District Market sites.”

But vendors remain on illegal sites.

Refuse collection

Despite purchasing two mechanical street sweepers worth $600 000 – said to be 10 times the real cost of such equipment – Harare resembles a dump site.

Termini, in particular, have become hubs of litter.

The suburbs have also been neglected and residents burn rubbish or dump it wherever they can.

Harare City Council recently purchased 30 refuse collection trucks worth $30 million; nine have reportedly been delivered.

In his last state of the city address, Manyenyeni conceded: “The state of refuse collection been remained a source of worry for Council and failure to meet the refuse collection schedule has led to illegal garbage dumps across the City.”

Traffic congestion

The CBD is a traffic jungle populated by legal and illegal taxies.

The construction of the Coventry Holding Bay has not resulted in decongestion as public transporters ignore the facility, which commuters say is very inconveniently located.

Instead, transporters and city police play Tom and Jerry, fighting battles on the streets that have resulted in loss of human life and property.

Construction and rehabilitation of new and existing termini has been on the cards for more than three years now.

Many of the projects exist only on paper.

Roads

Since President Emmerson Mnangagwa was inaugurated late last year, some of Harare’s roads have started getting some attention, particularly in the CBD.

Over 400km of roads have been rehabilitated, while patching has been done on another 325km – though many of these have no markings.

Much work remains to be done in the suburbs, and many streets and traffic lights are not working.

Health services

Under Manyenyeni‘s watch, the city’s health delivery has improved.

Council has been expanding the scope of services at polyclinics across the city with sites like Mabvuku now offering X-ray, laboratory and theatre services.

Availability of the vital category of drugs ranged between 72-89 percent whilst that of the essential drugs ranged between 73-100 percent at the time of writing.

For that, the mayor deserves kudos.

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THEY are referring to Nelson Chamisa as an advocate, meaning he should have sound knowledge of the law. If that is the case, why can’t this advocate see that the law will soon teach him a gruesome lesson? Hatidi vanozochema pamberi apo. ZANU-PF zii zvayo, ichikwenya mhuno nekasiyanwa.

The game of emotions and sympathy that Chamisa is trying to play is not new. Those who were old enough will remember the sad and unfortunate story of the Daily News on September 12, 2003. A repeat is on its way and Chamisa should be ready for it.

Developments at the High Court this week should raise red flags for Chamisa. The High Court last Tuesday ruled that an application by Chamisa’s MDC-T seeking to bar his rival Thokozani Khupe’s faction from using the MDC-T name and logo was not urgent. The Court further ruled that the two factions should approach an arbitration court for a determination on the matter as it was not clear which was the legitimate MDC-T faction between the two.

Chamisa wanted the High Court to stop Khupe from using the name MDC-T and the party logo after the two went separate ways following the death of Morgan Tsvangirai in February. Looks like it’s true that Save vakaenda neparty yavo.

Meanwhile, nguva to elections iri kuita kumhanya chaiko. Hazvina kana kutombomira zvakanaka. But then this is Chamisa – he is young, he dresses well and his supporters love him. The law doesn’t matter. Well, like I have just warned, in September 2003 the Daily News played the same silly game and they paid dearly when the law was applied.

Just a reminder here will be of use to Chamisa. Before this fateful day on September 12, 2003, the Daily News thought public sympathy and support from a plethora of Western governments, were enough to sway the courts in determining whether the paper was operating legally or not.

The Daily News for some strange reasons had decided to operate without a valid licence as was required under the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) that had been adopted in March 2002. The daily newspaper was expressing reservations over AIPPA and went on to challenge a section of the law, arguing that the requirement to register with AIPPA was unconstitutional.

Everyone could see that the Daily News was “approaching the courts with dirty hands and as an illegality” but the powers that be at the newspaper thought with public support and with mighty America and the UK, on their side, the law was supposed to bend in their direction. Then, just like now, ZANU-PF yaikwenya mhuno nekasiyanwa. And then, just like now, the Daily News chose to remain stubborn.

And then the law was applied without fear or favour. The Supreme Court ruled that the Daily News was operating illegally since it was not registered under AIPPA. The Government didn’t waste time. Unomirirei pakadai iwe wanga uchishungurudzwa? The next day, on September 12, 2003 police using the Supreme Court decision closed the newspaper. Many sober thinking Zimbabweans saw this coming and were not surprised at all.

Just like that the lives of the employees at the Daily News went up in smoke. The employees were jobless, just like that. As your Bishop, I know that many of the journalists at the paper went through traumatic and very difficult times. I counselled quite a number, but it’s true that up to this day some of them have failed to recover.

Organisations such as the International Federation for Human Rights and ZimRights condemned the closure of the Daily News, but this was purely on weak humanitarian grounds. The Zimbabwe Union of Journalists and other organisations that should have advised the Daily News to register with AIPPA in the first instance, made a little noise but they knew that the newspaper had legally closed itself through arrogance. And so in no time, the Daily News was left to stew in its stupidity.

I vividly remember the sorry words from the Daily News publisher at the time, Francis Mdlongwa: “This is an unprecedented attack on press freedom because after the court decision. . .we had made clear that we were going to comply with the law and register.” Hey dummy, you should have registered before going to the courts! But then this was all “too late for mama.”

The Daily News was closed and as the newspaper tried to do what it should have done in the first place – to register with AIPPA – it found the Government not in a hurry to handle the matter. ZANU-PF kuti kwatsu zvayo kuseka hunzi hekani waro. Tsvato!

Now Chamisa should take a lesson, before he is taught the lesson. His reaction to the High Court ruling last Tuesday clearly shows that, just like the Daily News in 2003, he thinks public support and sympathy will help him dribble the law. The law has no emotions. I am sure those familiar with law know the proper statement to what I am saying as a mere Bishop.

Said Chamisa’s MDC-T: “The national executive took note of the decision of the High Court. It noted with concern the creeping of politics into law and remained concerned that a whole respectable court can choose to relate itself to the issue of the so-called factions which was not even before it.

“What was before the courts, the executive noted, was the issue of expelled party members who were abusing the party’s name, trademark, logo and symbols.”

This is exactly the arrogance that the Daily News had in 2003. Kutopomera High Court kuti yava kuita politics? Ahh, ahh, nhai mwariwee? You still want to approach the courts to settle the same matter? Ummm, Chamisa mukono wena, mukweshwa werume. Regai tione.

Professor Lovemore Madhuku, who argued the matter for Khupe chose to be very civil in his advice to Chamisa’s MDC-T: “It is unfair to attribute improper motives to a judge who clearly applied an impartial mind to the matter before him. A litigant who initiates legal proceedings cannot, after losing, choose to undermine the dignity of our courts. . .”

Just a gentle reminder dear congregants, in 2003 it was actually the Daily News that had approached the courts challenging a section of AIPPA. In this latest case, it was Chamisa’s MDC-T that had approached the courts. Kufanana kunge matwins. Zviri kumboyendepi semawonero enyu?

The president of the Law Society of Zimbabwe, Misheck Hogwe even chipped in to give sound legal advice: “The matter before the court was by any definition a political dispute. If the political parties believed that the court had jurisdiction to entertain the matter they ought to respect the ruling of the court. This is not to say the losing party necessarily has to agree with the ruling. Litigants should resist the temptation to be bad losers so that the integrity of our courts is maintained.”

Very sound legal advice. Even in 2003, the Daily News was told repeatedly that it was approaching the courts with dirty hands, but then just like now, emotions prevailed over reason.

The first part of Proverbs 12 vs 16 says: “The vexation of a fool is known at once. . .” Totoziva and takatoziva kuti benzi ndiani since Tsvangirai passed on, but zii zvedu as the law moves slowly to confirm what we all know. The vexation of a fool is known at once.

If Chamisa is as popular as he wants us to believe, why not go to congress as required by the MDC-T constitution? All Khupe was and is saying is, let’s go to congress. It’s that simple.

Now Khupe has held her faction’s congress and that congress will soon come back to haunt Chamisa. For now this will all sound like we are poli-tricking. This is exactly what the Daily News thought as sober Zimbabweans advised the newspaper to register first and challenge AIPPA later. The Daily News would boost saying, “hatinzarwo”, zvino vakazonzarwo vakazhamba. Terera mashoko kana tichitaura mwanawe Chamisa.

Either Chamisa goes to congress or he smokes the peace-pipe with Khupe. Swallow that pride boy before it’s too late. Francis Mdlongwa wakazoti “we were going to register” but it was way too late.

Proverbs 16 vs 18-19 says: “Pride goeth before destruction, and an haughty spirit before a fall. Better it is to be of an humble spirit with the lowly, than to divide the spoil with the proud.” This is the King James Version of the Holy Book.

There is even a proverb which says; “pride comes before a fall.”

The Daily News closed itself and surely Chamisa should not defeat himself. Munhu ngaadyiwe ferere-ferere kwete kuzoti hehe Khupe is a ZANU-PF spy, hehe she divided votes, hehe dai ndakaziva like what the Daily News was saying after September 12, 2003.

I know some in ZANU-PF are silently saying; “Imi Bishop mwanzinyi nani? Siyai zvakadero.” Sorry macomrades, Bishop havana hana.

The presidential elections are fast approaching. There is still a bit of time for sense to prevail. Mai vangu maSibanda always tell me; “Mwanangu, dai kufunga kwebenzi.”

Bishop is out!

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COMRADE Bulukani Masola (born 13/05/1959) ,whose Chimurenga name was Cde Peter Scotch, is one ZIPRA comrade who speaks his mind. In this interview with our Deputy Editor Munyaradzi Huni, he speaks about abandoning school and joining the liberation struggle from Botswana. He talks about the establishment of the communications department in ZIPRA and how this department intercepted vital Rhodesian information during the liberation struggle.

He talks about the first incursion by the Rhodesian forces into Zambia where they killed quite a number of ZIPRA cadres and gives details about the death of Cde Nikita Mangena. This is a fascinating narration.

Read on …

MH: When and how did you join the liberation struggle?

Cde Peter Scotch: I did my primary education at Tekwana Primary School in Plumtree and my secondary education at Fletcher High in Gweru. That is Form One to Form Five. When I went into Form Five my idea had been to study subjects that would allow me to study accounts at university. I wanted to do a combination of Maths, Geography and English. I couldn’t do this combination at Fletcher because it was strictly Science or Arts. I requested to be transferred to Tegwane but this was rejected by the principal. He forced me to continue my studies at Fletcher where I was forced to do English, History and Geography which I didn’t want.

During the second term as I was doing my Form Five I decided to go to Botswana where I knew I could get a scholarship to go to different countries. With my good results at O-Level I knew I could get a scholarship. I left even though I was in the process of being appointed vice-captain of the school. I decided I was not going to do what I didn’t want just because somebody had said so.

When I got to Botswana, it was on the 30th of June 1976. I started mixing with the other refugees and yes there were many opportunities to go to school – the Commonwealth, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Australia and even the UK. But that was the time when a lot of people had come from South Africa after the June 16 Uprising in that country. Around July and August I interacted with a lot of people from South Africa who told me about apartheid in South Africa and so on. Somehow I felt that it was the same thing we were going through in Rhodesia, although it was a bit subtle. I then decided that I had to go and be part of the liberation struggle.

When I got to Botswana in June and I declared myself as a refugee, I was asked which party I belonged to. I then said I don’t belong to any party. I was then told that if you don’t belong to any party we are sending you back to Rhodesia. I then said to myself, well my father was ZAPU and so I am ZAPU. So when I decided to join the liberation struggle I decided to look for the ZAPU representative who at that time was a Cde Jabulani Mthuthuki. He then made arrangements for me to go to Francistown. I left Francistown in September 1976. I was directed to go and see the late Bhuka Ngwenya, who was in charge of recruitment of refugees and facilitating people to go to the liberation struggle. After two weeks I was sent to Zambia.

MH: Who are some of the comrades you went with to Zambia?

Cde Peter Scotch: When I went to Francistown, unknown to me, Bhuka was actually an uncle. He had left when I was still very young and he never told me who he was. My aunt had gotten in touch with him trying to persuade me to return back home. Some of the people I met in Francistown were the late Thabiso Dube, whose Chimurenga name was Moses Takavarasha. He was a cousin of mine but we had last seen each other in 1969. We later trained together and went to the Soviet Union together. He later rose to the rank of Deputy Artillery Commander in ZIPRA High Command. I also met the late Major Fortune Moyo. We used to call him George. When I met him he was already operating on the Western Front. So you can imagine here I am in Francistown with Bhuka, who is so keen to send me to the liberation struggle, and my cousin who wants to go to the liberation struggle and Fortune Moyo, who is already coming from the front. There was a lot of discussion around Marxism and so on. This made my resolve to join the liberation struggle even stronger. These were the people I interacted with a lot in Francistown.

In Zambia, the first port of call was Nampundwe Transit Camp. We were around 300 to 400 comrades with the likes of the Retired Major-General Standford Khumalo. We then started our training in Zambia. I think the camp commander at that time was Sigoge. Among our instructors was the current Commander of the Zimbabwe National Army, General Philip Valerio Sibanda, who we used to call Ananias then Rtd Brigadier Colin Moyo, whom we used to call Rodwell Nyika. Amongst us the trainees was the late Andrew Ndlovu, who had trained as an architect in Poland. When he was at the University of London, the late Nikita Mangena persuaded him to come and join the liberation struggle. He came and trained with us. We later went to the Soviet Union together. When he came back he was tasked to establish the ZIPRA artillery department. He became the first head of that department with Thabison Moyo as his deputy.

Our training in Zambia was from September 1976 to around March 1977. After this I was part of the group that was selected to go for further training in the Soviet Union. We were a group of about 200 comrades. We were later divided into sub-groups of 10 to 20. I was selected to go for training in signals, that is military communication. Others did military intelligence, artillery, ordinary infantry, engineering and so on. In our group, we were 10. Of those 10 the one I still remember very well is Colonel Maphisa. Our group was taken to this place near the Black Sea. It’s now part of Ukraine. We were there for a good six months. Early November 1977, we came back to Zambia. I must tell you that the training both in Zambia and the Soviet Union was very, very thorough.

MH: When you came back to Zambia, where were you deployed?

Cde Peter Scotch: When we came back to Zambia in November 1977, we were welcomed at the Freedom Camp. We were then sent to different heads of department in the areas which we had specialised. In our case we were sent to meet the head of ZIPRA Signals then, the late Cde Moyo whom we used to call Cde Zvafa. I later discovered that he was the late brother to the Commander of the Air Force of Zimbabwe Elson Moyo. Cde Zvafa interviewed all of us. The idea was to establish the ZIPRA communications within the units in the various camps and all the various crossing points along the Zambezi border.

MH: What was the importance of Signals during the liberation struggle?

Cde Peter Scotch: Signals is all about communication. When you have units deployed, in terms of communication of day-to-day routine, it was very important. Talking about requirements of the different units, movements, and transmitting alerts to the various units about pending attacks, instructions from the command,   coordinating new deployments, and logistics and so on. When we started, there had been people who had been trained communication before us, but there was no functional communication at that time. When we came in, our task was to re-establish the communication department so as to function and serve its rightful purpose within our military establishment.

After the interview with Cde Zvafa, I was chosen to be at the Headquarters to set up the ZIPRA communications headquarters. The operations side. So the communications department there was Cde Zvafa as the head, then Cde Timothy Mawira, he is now late. The second deputy was Flemming Mkhandla. I came in to head the department at the operations level. The rest of my colleagues were then deployed in the various fronts at Feira, Chirundu, Kariba and Livingstone. Some of the comrades were deployed to the different training camps. After about two to three months, the communications department was up and running. As the head of the ZIPRA communications centre it was my role to relay all messages and information to different heads of the department. The army was so organised that you had different departments – there was operations, logistics, transport, training, engineering, intelligence and so on. You find that in all our units, most of these departments were represented. So at times there would be communication from the various units relevant to the respective heads of departments. It was my responsibility to channel all those messages to the different heads of departments, and solicit the necessary responses and relay them back. All the communication had to be relayed to the Army Commander who was then Cde Nikita Mangena and the Chief of Staff, who was Cde Ambrose Mutinhiri. So I had the privilege for the next six months of talking to these senior comrades. I found myself at the centre of all these activities. This was my first exposure.

I interacted a lot with people like Mutinhiri, Mangena, General Maseko who was in operations, the likes of Mazinyane, who was in intelligence, the likes of Sam Mfakazi who was in logistics, Thomas Ngwena, who was in the transport department, and so on. I literally dealt with everyone. This was until about February 1978.

MH: After February 1978, where did you go?

Cde Peter Scotch: There was one region where we had failed to get the communication started. This was in Feira – on the border between Zimbabwe, Zambia and Mozambique. I was sent there to establish communication. That was February 1978. While there I trained two, we used to call them prontos – the communication guys. I then deployed one in Mt Darwin and one in Hurungwe. So what used to happen is that every day around 8pm the Rhodesians used to publish what they used to call the Communique saying we have killed so many terrorists and so on. In our case, by 6am, if any of our units had been involved in any attack, we would have the details of exactly what would have happened. I would have transmitted that information to HQ. Our command would have the true picture of what would have transpired. As a result, the necessary decisions were taken. This was the first of its kind. I did this until mid-1978.

MH: Was this department responsible also for intercepting information?

Cde Peter Scotch: Yes. At the headquarters, we had the operations side which dealt with sending and receiving signals from the various units. But we had a dedicated unit, we had a guy called Roy whose job from 6 to 6 was to operate two or three radios, just intercepting information. We had gotten to a point where we had identified that certain regions like Kariba, we could identify the Rhodesian networks either from the bases or from the operations.

So every day we would intercept some of their communication. Some of the information with so much detail that prior to some of their attacks we would know that the Rhodesians were now preparing to attack because of activities within certain areas, especially areas like Kariba, Thornhill, Livingstone and so on. Sometimes we would intercept information where they would have been hit during operations and they would be giving instructions openly. This became part of our intelligence gathering. This was compiled and sent to the command.

However, we also knew that the enemy was working with some people within us. We also were working with some people within them. So I can say for most of the attacks, there was always some warning in advance. Our responsibility then was to ensure that we knew when an attack was imminent. Almost all our attacks, we would warn our comrades. We wouldn’t know where exactly, but we would know when an attack was imminent.

MH: Where were you when the Rhodesians attacked ZIPRA right in Zambia?

Cde Peter Scotch: When I was in Feira in 1978, we had the first incursion into Zambia by the Rhodesian forces. We had about two to three platoons. The regional commander was Rodwell, that’s Colin Moyo. We were the first people to be attacked on the Zambian side. There were 15 warplanes involved – five jets, five helicopters, three spotter plans and two Dakotas.

MH: How did this attack start?

Cde Peter Scotch: The bombardment started early. I remember it was a Thursday. From morning up to about 2pm. They went away and came back from 2pm to 6pm. The following day, they came back. From morning up to about 12pm.

MH: Why such a heavy bombardment?

Cde Peter Scotch: Like I told you this was their first incursion into Zambia and they were making a statement. That was also the area where guerillas were going into the Mt Darwin area, Hurungwe and so on. So I think they just wanted to totally cut us from that area.

MH: You must have lost quite a number of comrades?

Cde Peter Scotch: We lost about 25 comrades. The bombardment was intense. The only defence we had was one old 12,5 anti-air craft. We tried to use it but in no time it was taken out.

MH: You lost 25 comrades out of approximately how many comrades?

Cde Peter Scotch: I think we were around 75-80.

MH: Yeah, heavy loss but how did you survive?

Cde Peter Scotch: In my case, I had a bit of luck. The previous night I had gone to Feira to charge my batteries for the communications department. When I was coming back from Feira that is when I saw this attack. So the attack happened when I was outside the sector but I could see the heavy bombardment. I could see that I was very lucky. I later got the real details from the comrades who were inside the sector, including Rodwell who was actually inside the sector.

MH: So watching from a distance, what did you do?

Cde Peter Scotch: Nothing. There was nothing you could do. When you have 15 war planes in the sky it’s like birds in the sky. There was nothing anyone could do. We were powerless. Even the Zambians, they tried to come in and fight on our behalf but nine Zambian trucks, the whole convoy was blown up – two land rovers and seven trucks – they were blown up. There was nothing we could do. We didn’t have enough air defence. This was in March 1978. Around June-July, we were attacked again. But this time it was not by air.

MH: What happened?

Cde Peter Scotch: We had shifted from where we were and created several bases over a wider area. The Rhodesians then did a guerilla warfare on us. We knew they were on the Zambian side for reconnaissance so from our part, we started doing a few patrols, laying some ambushes here and there. However on this fateful day, when I was about to start my session with headquarters, one of the guys went into the bush and met some white Rhodesian soldiers who were advancing towards us. So I dismounted my radios, gave them to my assistant to take them to some place which was about 5km away where we kept our generators. I was the most senior comrade in that area, I ordered a formation to confront these Rhodesians.

MH: As head of operations (communications) you also had the powers to order an attack?

Cde Peter Scotch: What used to happen is that there was a regional commander, regional signals guy, regional logistics and so on. So yes, I could make the command.

So I then ordered the comrades to get into a formation to confront these Rhodesians. Unknown to me, these Rhodesians were actually sitting and watching us. So the first bullet hit me on my shoulder. Automatically I went to the ground and rolled. There was a volley of bullets.

The unit that I had was very ill-equipped because this was the unit composed of people who had been injured and were not going out for those patrols. Even in terms of armament, I think I was the only one with an automatic rifle. Others had semi-automatic rifles. We were no match for those guys. So the only thing was just to withdraw. But, fortunately, this had alerted our other comrades.

I then withdrew to where I had sent my assistant with the radio equipment. This was out gathering point after an attack. As we withdrew, we could hear that there was a fight going on. I knew our guys now had the upper hand because we knew how our guns sounded. About two to three hours later, I met up with Rodwell. He told me that what had happened was that when they heard the first gunshots, they laid an ambush. As some of these Rhodesians were advancing towards us, Rodwell told me that he hit one of the soldiers right on the forehead. He told me that they killed between seven and nine Rhodesian soldiers. When this happened, the Rhodesians called for air reinforcement. When the helicopters came, we had no chance. In those encounters from my side, I lost one guy. Rodwell’s side also lost one guy. We then withdrew but for us this was a victory because they lost more people than us.

This was also the time I think that we lost Nikita Mangena, our Army Commander. He died somewhere in the Kariba area.

MH: How exactly did he die?

Cde Peter Scotch: I actually went to the scene afterwards. From what I gathered, they had an ambush. One of the deputy of operations, his name was Asaf, he was taking about two or three platoons for operations. When they got to this area, around the Kariba area between Choma and Livingstone off the road from Kalomo, in these areas there are mountains and gorges, they fell into an ambush. I think we lost about 75 comrades. These figures need to be verified, but we had massive loss including Asaf himself. I am told he was actually seated on the bonnet of the first truck. They were hit by a bazooka.

So Mangena went there to go and assess the situation. What these Boers used to do just like what we used to do, its procedure that when you attack, to ensure that no reinforcement comes, or that those who come are harmed, you always put landmines. That was standard and we used to do that.

When Mangena came, they parked their car some distance away and walked. They surveyed the scene and saw everything. Remember this was the time that Mangena had survived an assassination attempt and had just come back from the Soviet Union where he had been treated for the wounds, including one wound that was on one of the legs. So as they were walking, he started complaining that he was tired.

By this time, the guys understood the role of communications. In all that, Mangena had his young man who had a radio and another man who was in the car with a radio. Mangena instructed the young man to contact the other young man with the radio in the car so that he could bring the car to pick him up.

I know some of the commanders who were there. There was Jevan Maseko, there was a guy who was a deputy in logistics, we used to call him Donki-Donki (I didn’t know his real name). I am told Donki actually offered to carry Mangena. He knew that there were high probability of landmines in the area. But then Mangena refused. There was also Sigoge, there was also Jack Ngwenya. Some of these guys got into the same car with Mangena.

When the car came, just a few metres after boarding the car, they hit the landmine. Like I said, I went to that area. I believe that the injuries from that landmine were such that Mangena could not survive.

MH: Really sad . . .

Cde Peter Scotch: But from my knowledge of the way the Boers operated, I think Mangena’s car was the fifth. Asaf said there were three, if my memory serves me well, I think there was another one then Mangena’s was the fifth ambush in that area. Later on, I went to that area and stepped on some mine but we will come to that later.

Next week Cde Peter Scotch will narrate the re-organisation of ZIPRA at the headquarters after the death of Cde Nikita Mangena and tell us of the new structure that was put into place.

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Developmental economists are still trying to make sense of how an economic backwater such as China could transform itself into the world’s second-biggest economy in just one generation.

Perhaps what is most intriguing is that most Chinese who were born in the clutches of poverty in 1978 are now enjoying the same standard of living as their peers in the United States of America, the world’s biggest economy.

But most are agreed that the actions of Deng Xiaoping, who took over in 1978 after Mao Tse-tung’s demise, introduced far-reaching reforms that were the foundations of “China’s miracle”.

Quite evidently, something is stirring in Zimbabwe, especially after the new political administration took over in November.

Far from the dystopian world that is cast on social media, there is quite a sea-change in terms of the country’s economic growth trajectory.

Until recently, reports from international Africa-focused market watchers such as US consultancy firm Frontier Strategy Group (FSG) have been able to prove that investor sentiment has indeed been changing for the better. In fact, in March this year, FSG indicated that Zimbabwe had jumped to fourth on the list of countries in Southern Africa where multinational companies see the best opportunities.

Yet under the former administration, the country did not event figure on that list.

However, this year’s edition of the Zimbabwe International Trade Fair (ZITF), which began on Tuesday, has arguably been a key test to gauge both investor sentiment and perceptions.

And the results have been encouraging; in fact, they have been very encouraging.

A total of 18 countries were represented, including the United Arab Emirates, which exhibited for the first time. Similarly, there was a marked increase in the number of new local exhibitors, with 25 percent of booked participants coming in for the first time. Incredibly, exhibition space surpassed 100 percent and additional space had to be provided to cater for public sector participation.

This shows that far from the self-deprecatory narrative that is being pushed in some quarters, international investor sentiment has been changing; and far from the doomsday tales that are being peddled by pessimists, domestic investors are becoming increasingly optimistic as well.

This is why the country has been able to attract firm investment commitments worth more than $11 billion.

So, in essence, the new administration’s four-month re-engagement drive has managed to generate positive investor sentiment, which is a valuable currency for economic development.

But, just as China discovered early in its reform process, the trick to an economic miracle lies in staying the course of reform and deepening it.

As Deng Xiaoping said in one of his famous viewpoints in 1992: “We must be a little more braver in approaching reform and opening up. We must grasp the moment and develop ourselves. Of key importance is developing the economy,” said Deng Xiaoping then.Encouragingly, President Mnangagwa in his address at the ZITF on Friday indicated that Government was definitely in it for the long haul.

Just as he did in his inauguration speech on November 24, he sounded a warning to Government bureaucrats against slothfulness, corruption and unnecessary bottlenecks.

“My administration acknowledges that actions speak louder than words, and as such, I therefore direct all public sector office bearers, in the various Government ministers, departments, agencies and State enterprises to facilitate both domestic and foreign investment and also ease the business environment, at all costs,” he said.

Again, he rallied the country to be active participants in the new Government’s Vision 2030, which envisages that in 12 years time, the country will have decent jobs, broad-based empowerment, increased investments and will be free from poverty and corruption. Step-by-step and brick-by-brick, Government seems to be making headway. This is really possible.

By 1996 — 18 years after opening up — China’s gradual-style reforms had become telling.

Although the rest of the world was increasingly sceptical about China’s economic reforms, Newsweek conceded during the same year that a new force had indeed arrived on the world scene.

The American weekly magazine, Newsweek, said: “A strong China is emerging and the country is now having a strong influence in virtually all fields.

From the Straits in Taiwan to the stores of America, none of this could have been foreseen when Deng Xiaping began reforms and opening up policies in 1979. As an economic power, China is not only entering but also changing world the world markets. It is sometimes even making up its own rules of the game.”

The rest is history.

Arguably, Zimbabwe is following in the same footsteps and, as the economic giant, it is beginning to awaken.

It’s not anyone’s fault that some continue to see the negatives only.

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Our senior reporter Lincoln Towindo last week interviewed the Zanu-PF Women’s Affairs chairperson Cde Mabel Chinomona at the ruling party’s 2018 Election Manifesto launch. We publish Cde Chinomona’s responses in her on words.

I am happy because the President mentioned that there is going to be gender parity.

He is going to uplift women’s standards of living. The manifesto is very biased towards dealing with issues of women empowerment.

We are looking forward to have more women in Parliament and local authorities as well as other leadership positions.

This will help us in solving issues of women disempowerment.

While at the moment we are not in a position to ascertain the exact number of women who will represent the party in the forthcoming general elections, I am not that much satisfied because I have seen so many women having to compete in the just ended primary with men, who have so many resources, and (the women) ended up losing.

So, many of our women could not make it in the primary elections, though we are not yet certain of the number of women who have made it at the moment.

For our campaign strategy as the Women’s League, we will sit down with the leadership from the wards going up and take what the President has said and what is in the manifesto and spread that message to the people.

We will strive to convince all women to vote for the party, which is the only party that recognises the needs and rights of women.

We will hold mass rallies as part of our strategy as well as engaging with the grassroots at cell and ward level.

The door to door strategy may not be that easy to implement but going into the wards and villages can also be termed as door to door campaigning.

We may not need to knock on the doors of each and every individual because that might be seen as invading other people’s privacy, but we are going to have rallies and small meetings.

The women are the ones who encourage their children, spouses and close family members to vote for a particular party or a candidate, so our role in these elections cannot be overemphasised.

The woman is the one who looks after the whole family, so we will make sure that it is the women who do the grassroots campaigns through talking to their children, their husbands and the immediate family to vote for Zanu-PF.

This coming election it will be the women who will win it for Zanu-PF.

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Tau Tawengwa
International Workers’ Day came and went basically unnoticed in Zimbabwe, where the predominance of the population earns a living in the informal economy.

While the informal economy is not unique to Zimbabwe, statistics from the International Monetary Fund show that Zimbabwe has the second biggest informal economy in the world.

Certainly it is an unenviable position for any country to be in, because the informal economy is characterized by lawlessness, verbal agreements exploitation, lack of hygiene and unorganised labour.

On the other hand, the formal sector is characterised by an organised system of employment, formal rules and written agreements, employer and employee rights, fixed salaries and formal management systems. What’s interesting in Zimbabwe, however, is that despite the enormity of the informal economy, it is in some cases proving to be more lucrative than the formal economy.

Over the last year, I have interviewed several informal sector entrepreneurs who were forced to leave formal employment owing to retrenchment or company closures. About half of the people that I spoke to unambiguously stated that they are making much more money in the informal sector than they ever did in formal employment.

Put plainly, business is booming for some informal traders, particularly for “makorokoza”, cross border traders, money changers, commodity brokers and even some informal teachers who conduct private lessons. The question therefore, is how can we harness the skills and revenues in the informal sector in such a way that the informal sector in its entirety contributes meaningfully to the national fiscus?

In this article, I will attempt to address that question using examples from different parts of the world.

Incentives for informal traders

In 1980, the Zimbabwean economy was considered an industrial giant in the SADC region and boasted a strong manufacturing sector, iron and steel industries, and modern mining ventures.

However, industrial activity began to contract in the 1990s after the introduction of the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP). While ESAP was supposed to herald a new era of modernised, competitive and export-led industrialization, instead, it contained the recipe for neoliberal economic disaster.

It was characterised by currency de-regulation, devaluation of the Zimbabwe dollar, movement towards high real interest rates, the lifting of price controls, chopping of “social spending” and removal of consumer subsidies.

These were all standard ingredients of “liberalisation,” and resulted in job-losses and company closures in the 1990s.

Unfortunately, post 2000, retrenchments and company closures increased, owing to land reform-related sanctions and embargoes as well as poor economic planning on the part of the Government at the time.

Now, we have the second biggest informal sector in the world, and our widespread “musika” will be a permanent reminder of Zimbabwe’s economic backslide which began in the 1990s.

However, the country can benefit from informal sector revenue if worthwhile incentives are offered to informal sector traders. For instance, bankers and government officials in countries like Bangladesh, Kenya and South Africa have categorically stated that the informal sector is a major source of revenue and could semi-formalise if the right incentives are offered to informal traders.

Such incentives can include pension and insurance schemes, specifically designed for informal traders. Such schemes would be well-received if offered by established insurance firms and banks, and perhaps even the state, but only at a time when the state has fully regained the confidence of citizens.

Another form of incentive that can be offered to informal traders is low cost medical insurance in the form of universal healthcare. In this context, the widely reported National Social Security Authority (NSSA) initiated National Health Insurance Scheme would be a useful incentive for the informal economy.

Creation of informal sector unions

One thing that is clear about informal sector trade in Zimbabwe, like in many other countries, is that the sector is widespread yet disjointed, and unorganised.

This means that key information pertaining to the various trades in the informal sector is illogically scattered.

For that reason, policy-makers at local government and national level are perhaps inadequately informed on how to deal with the informal sector and its related issues. It is therefore necessary for registered sector-specific unions in the informal economy to materialise, particularly for the purposes of dialogue with policy-makers and the corporate world.

Currently, informal sector unions successfully function in countries like Ghana where the informal sector contributes approximately 41 percent to the GDP, and where approximately 90 percent Ghanaians are employed in the informal sector.

Various local researches have concluded that there are many other incentives that can be offered to the informal sector. If successful partnerships are formed between the Government, the private sector and the informal economy, then in the middle to long term, we could find that informal sector traders will willingly begin to pay taxes.

While it is positive that Zimbabwe is open for business, we should acknowledge that we are living in a global era of “jobless growth” and therefore we should not expect that foreign direct investment to adequately absorb all job seekers.

In this context, it is necessary for the state and our private sector to forge meaningful partnerships with the informal sector.  After all, the informal sector is a lucrative source of revenue.

Tau Tawengwa is conducting doctoral research on social entrepreneurship and the informal sector in Zimbabwe.

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Bernard Manyenyeni
Last week we carried an article: “An end to Manyenyeni’s error’ where we did an assessment of the mayor at the helm of affairs at Harare City Council. We afford the mayor a right to reply.

The title of mayor means different things to different people.

Most Zimbabweans carry a foreign understanding and definition of our style of mayor. Their common understanding relates to Lusaka, Johannesburg or London, but not Harare. Our legal and political framework is very different. Mayors in Zimbabwe are simply non-executive chairmen of the board.

In other views, they can be like the Speaker of Parliament. For as long as the mayor is non-executive, no one should ever claim to have found the right man for the job because it will never be about one man with token legal and political power to make and effect decisions.

Even in terms of performance evaluation and comparison, we tend to be naive in our assessments. An opposition mayor in the capital city, in an environment politically controlled by a different party political commissar, will not have that much leverage to extend “his powers”.

Harare City Council is the most scrutinised institution in the country, making the mayoral position by far, the trickiest office in the land. An elected councillor serving as leader of 46 councillors is a “player-coach” or a “first-among-equals”, not a headmaster, the privilege which my independent predecessor Mr Muchadeyi Masunda had – and used most effectively.

It is almost impossible to compare any two mayors in Harare given our ever-changing job descriptions, ranging from similarity and expectations with Speaker of Parliament to a Minister, to a Prime Minister and a President. An executive mayor (like Engineer (Elias) Mudzuri was), cannot be measured alongside ceremonial mayors given the superior space and combined authorities under that previous set-up.

The only common factor is the title.

Town clerk

The town clerk saga confirms the hollowness of our mandate.

The appointment of Mr James Mushore was done with the full authority of our Constitution, but was frustrated and abused in terms of an archaic subordinate piece of legislation and politicking. Every literate Zimbabwean should know that. Political legal irons have made it difficult for us the elected “leaders” to appoint a town clerk for over three years.

Why don’t we simply get the Local Government Board to hire and fire our executives as they seem to be the people in charge?

Again the mayor and the city are decision-takers, not decision-makers.

Our mayors cannot be compared with mayors who have the authority to lead councils in discharging their mandates.

Harare water

The city’s water solution, like most infrastructure matters, is not a one-day solution. We are currently using and refurbishing a water treatment plant that is over 60 years old. We inherited and supervised a new project, the China Eximbank project at Morton Jaffray.

We have gone from just over 350 megalitres per day to consistently above 500 megalitres per day out of that project and it is 95 percent complete at a cost to date of $72 million. The water crisis still has a huge pipe replacement component to be initiated – our pipes are old and dilapidated.

We may not even have the capacity to repay the pipe replacement loan envisaged.

Procurement

Residents need to know that the mayor and his councillors in Harare are not responsible for procurement. This is done by management and the state procurement bodies.

So to blame the mayor for water chemical tenders is just barking up the wrong tree.

Motor vehicles

The purchase of motor vehicles under the Chinese loan was part of the loan provisions.

Problems arose after management decided to make the vehicle purchase a closely-guarded secret. The vehicles were also imported duty-free, making their cost about half-price in comparison with car showroom prices.

Again the mayor had nothing to do with the acquisition of the cars or any related procurement under the China loan.

Vendors and litter

Dealing with vendors has been fraught with politics, denial, capacity and short-termism. Until jobs are created, people will use our pavements to fend for their families in these harsh economic times.

We are all more guilty than any one individual. Litter is a human problem, not a leadership problem.

I will however admit that we have dismally operated on less than half our fleet of refuse trucks. We, however, have the “wisdom” to pump millions into football, netball and basketball.

No executive mayor would allow that, but collectively as council we can exhibit such poor judgment.

Road maintenance

Out of our estimated 400 000 vehicles registered in Harare, we expect $40 million a year in license fees which have been collected by Zinara with occasional token disbursements to the city.

It is quite likely that over the entire past nine years, Zinara has disbursed less than one year’s license fees to my council.

Therefore, the road management mandate is unfunded. Using these figures, it means we only have a duty to do, maybe just one-tenth of what we would ordinarily target to do.

So my likely performance in this area would be minimal given the total lack of resources.

Financial resources

For a council that started with a crippling $300 million debt write-off, the mathematical impact of losing two years’ worth of revenue means the target best level of council performance was 60 percent because 40% of the financial capacity was written off.

Since 2013, the revenue collection has hovered around 50 percent meaning, in monetary terms, that my council only had a realistic chance of achieving 30 percent of those goals, which are resource driven.

Decentralisation

As an extension of the devolution provisions of the Constitution, we initiated the Ward development fund to allow more effective local decision-making. This has suffered a stillbirth because of the fatal impact of our salaries on our finances.

Our human resources costs are gobbling over 80 percent, meaning that the 25 percent ward retention fund cannot be met after deducting the employment cost alone.

Performance evaluation

Performance of the mayor can only be collective given the very limited mayoral authority in Council. Council itself should be evaluated using non-contaminated tools of evaluation. Sentiment, emotions, politics and “journalism” are not the best tools for performance evaluation.

In terms of the collective aspect, the performance can only be the collective evaluation of the following key ingredients: –

1. a) The economy
2. b) The Government – central vs local politics
3. c) Effective control and authority
4. d) Elected leadership
5. e) Management
6. f) Resident and ratepayer performances
7. g) Resources

An honest rating of the above components presents the performance of an era and its mayor. The privilege to serve Harare at its weakest has been an honour, not a curse.

So I humbly submit that Manyenyeni is not the error but it is rather the era.

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The list presented by the party’s National Political Commissar Cde Englebert Rugeje showed that out of about 200 constituencies that had submitted results, 135 names are new.
Results of the remaining roughly 10 constituencies were still to be concluded.

Zanu-PF’s renewal under President Emmerson Mnangagwa is well in motion with statistics showing that more than 70 percent of the people who will represent the ruling party in National Assembly elections this year are fresh faces.

A comparative analysis of the new candidates unveiled for National Assembly seats, after the party’s primary elections last week, and those on the 2013 list shows that the party is undergoing a seismic shift.

The diversity of sectors represented by the winning candidates’ also demonstrates that Zanu-PF is attracting representation from the best brains in industry, commerce, sport, humanities, and other fields.

Among the new comers are are Postal and Telecommunications Regulatory Authority of Zimbabwe board chair and banker Cde Ozias Bvute, renowned medical practitioner Dr Obadiah Moyo, Zimbabwe Cricket chair Cde Tavengwa Mukhuklani, Zimbabwe Football Association vice-chair Cde Omega Sibanda, Midlands business tycoon Cde Chrispen Tomu, prominent writer and academic Dr Sekai Nzenza, and popular radio personality Cde Umpili Marubi, among many others.

The list presented by the party’s National Political Commissar Cde Englebert Rugeje showed that out of about 200 constituencies that had submitted results, 135 names are new.

Results of the remaining roughly 10 constituencies were still to be concluded.

According to the statistics, all the party’s provinces expect Matabeleland North, have more new entrants than those who represented Zanu-PF in 2013.

Bulawayo has seven new candidates against five who stood in 2013; Harare has 21 against six; Manicaland 16 compared to eight; and Mashonaland Central has nine new contestantsfor its 17 constituencies.

In Mashonaland Central, one of the biggest casualties was the Minister of State for Provincial Affairs Advocate Martin Dinha who lost the Mazowe North seat to Cde Champion Mugweni.

Mashonaland East’s 21 constituencies have 16 new faces, with only five surviving from 2013. In Mashonaland West, there are 14 new contestants while four prior contenders returned.

Notable casualties in the province include politburo member Ambassador Christopher Mutsvagwa while Zifa president Phillip Chiyangwa, who took part in the 2013 polls, was this time defeated in the primaries by Cde Last Shumba.

Masvingo is also being revitalised, with 18 new candidates and eight from 2013. Among the new comers are Mines and Mining Development Minister Cde Winston Chitando.

In Matabeleland North, there were six new faces while seven remained from the 2013 candidates.

Some of the big guns absent from Matabeleland South list from 2013 include Vice-President Kembo Mohadi, who decided not to stand, and Minister of State for Provincial Affairs Cde Abednico Ncube, who lost to Cde Umpili Marubi.

In Midlands, the 27 constituencies enumerated revealed that there are 20 new candidates, including War Veterans Association secretary-general Cde Victor Matemadanda.

Political analyst and University of Zimbabwe media lecturer Mr Wellington Gadzikwa said the statistics were evidence that Zanu-PF was experiencing a rebirth.

“First and foremost, any organisation that does not renew itself will die and the time is up for being career minister or Member of Parliament,” he said. “This is a good development for Zanu-PF because new hands come with different ideas.

“What this also shows is that the electorate are now wiser, can reject and eject those who do not perform.

“This is a good lesson to all MP’s in that they need to be accountable and take the trust bestowed on them seriously than their predecessors.

“It seems the electorate wants leaders with substance and this is a kind of renewal that every party needs.”

Results Statistics

Bulawayo: New faces 7, Old candidates 5

Harare: New faces 21, 6 old

Manicaland: New faces 16, old faces 8

Mashonaland Central: New faces 9 old faces 8

Mashonaland East: New faces 16, old faces 5

Mashonaland West: New faces 14, old faces 3

Masvingo: New faces 18, old faces 8

Mat Noth: New faces 6, old faces 7

Mat South: New faces 9m old faces new

Midlands: new faces 20, old faces 7

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Oppah Muchinguri-Kashiri
The President’s message since he took over in November has been consistent.

These are the messages that have informed this manifesto.

We are building on from the 100 days cycle and the projects that the President has prioritised.

In looking at the road ahead, for the next five years, we also looked back at the 2013 manifesto and evaluated or introspected to see where we had failed as a party.

We consulted very widely in coming up with this manifesto.

We held meetings at cell level to get input from the people on the ground in line with our President’s message that the voice of the people is the voice of God.

Our consultative process also reached out to stakeholders such as women, the youth, the workers themselves, farmers and also civil servants.

We also interacted with community leaders such as traditional chiefs to appreciate their concerns.

Our outreach programme also involved interface with the Diaspora community, who will continue to be important players in shaping the future of our country.

Opinion leaders, captains of industry and academics were also part of the process.

Agriculture is the mainstay of our economy so we spent quiet a lot of time on it.

This was done to see what we were able to deliver during the last five years in all sectors, including agriculture and what was of major highlight was the command agriculture which he, the President himself, initiated.

Yes we had redistributed land but we wanted the land to be productive so that was high on our agenda.

We need to mechanise and modernise our farming and that was the major message that was in the manifesto, building on programs he had already started.

In the mining sector, we looked at identifying what we already have and minerals such as lithium which we have not been able to take advantage of.

Lithium is a good example of one major resource which is much sought throughout the whole world so this is a plus on our part that we are going to pursue this rigorously, while also giving attention to our traditional success stories such as platinum and gold.

On the infrastructure side, we were looking at road networks, we said a lot of contracts and tenders were issued during the old regime, but they were never implemented so we are saying we now need to build on this using the available resources.

We looked at it and said how best can we address this. We are looking at how we can also involve the Diaspora community.

Yes we want investors from outside Zimbabwe, but we need to appreciate that the first opportunity should also accrue to our own children because we cannot claim to be independent if we are not in control of our own resources.

So our message is that yes we did well in education, but most of our children are abroad, they have acquired so much experience, we want to tap on that experience now.

All the resources we have managed to mobilise outside the country, we should now embrace it back in Zimbabwe and we should be our own liberators.

On education, we are saying we have not been investing a lot of resources into research.

China has developed because they consider research as very critical to development.

We are still importing tractors, all the implements and we are asking ourselves how can we develop in agriculture like this?

Now the new thrust of our universities should be research.

We need a student who should be in a position to address our challenges.

As a country, we need to produce our own technology, and we need people with skills, not just graduates who are theoretical in approach.

We have to change our mind-set, we cannot continuously emphasise on social arts.

Emphasis should now be on STEM; we had started, but the speed at which we were going did not address some of these issues that I’m talking about.

So you will see now in our manifesto that we are emphasising on those areas.

Then women’s concerns, for a long time now we have been talking about women’s bank for us to address the issue of financial resources that women require for them to be empowered economically.

So what we are saying is that we need to resource a new bank, we need to launch it so that women can start benefiting, it’s one thing that we talk about an idea, it’s another for us to be able to say let’s launch the bank and resource it.

Then also we are looking at employment in as far as graduates are concerned.

There are too many graduates doing nothing. Most of the problems that we are facing are because we have people who cannot be employed anywhere.

So we are saying now, those countries that require our nurses, those countries that require our teachers, we should be able, through bilateral relations, to negotiate so that we are able to export our human capital in those areas, but for others, they can be re-trained in other areas because we are opening up the economy.

I have mentioned mining, I have mentioned agriculture, we require people with relevant skills so for them to be helpful we need to re-engage them in another way so the Ministry of Higher and Tertiary Education is going to be very busy in terms of changing the thrust of that ministry.

Then the other issue is the youth. We have been talking about them going into housing projects, but we also want them to learn from China and we are saying it’s not just an issue of handing out stands as was the case in the past.

With our population expanding, we need to be strategic as we address the issue of accommodation, there will be cheap accommodation which can be afforded by any citizen in Zimbabwe.

Same for the youth, because this was a targeted group if you remember the interface rallies. They were promised stands, but do we have that land?

What about the future generation?

We are changing our strategy and we are saying, yes, housing for the youth, but we are also going to be putting together projects, fishing projects, at a commercial level.

We are saying now we have to commercialise just like other countries like Zambia.

This is what you find in the manifesto.

Cde Oppah Muchinguri-Kashiri is the Zanu-PF chairperson. She shared these views with The Sunday Mail’s Chief Reporter Kuda Bwititi soon after the launch of Zanu PF’s manifesto and election campaign on Friday May 4 at the Harare International Conference Centre.

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COMRADE Bulukani Masola (born 13-05-1959) ,whose Chimurenga name was Cde Peter Scotch last week narrated how he joined the liberation struggle and the establishment of the ZIPRA communications department. He spoke about how they used this department to intercept Rhodesian communication and the death of Cde Nikita Mangena.

In this interview with our Deputy Editor Munyaradzi Huni, Cde Peter Scotch says “never underestimate the power of child solders” as he narrates how he became number 4 in the ZIPRA signals communications department while still 19 years old.

In gruesome and graphic details, he narrates how he watched as Rhodesian forces machine-gunned hundreds of ZIPRA comrades at Freedom Camp in Zambia and dropped napalm bombs on defenceless cadres. It sounds like a horror movie, but this is real – 226 ZIPRA comrades perished. One of his friends had been blown to pieces and this is how he describes the situation.

“I think he tried to wake up and he was blown apart. So I picked up his foot and that is the only thing that I buried. Just his left foot and a boot.” How does someone below 20 years remain normal after seeing such horror? Read on . . .

MH: Last week you narrated the sad death of Cde Nikita Mangena and you told us that after this death, there was the re-organisation of ZIPRA. Tell us a bit more about this re-organisation.

Cde Peter Scotch: Yes, after the death of Mangena, there was the re-organisation of ZIPRA at the headquarters. There was a new structure that was put in place in the Northern Front and Southern Front command. At the beginning it was normally just the High Command but when the Northern Front and Southern Front command was put in place, Rodwell was then made the commander of the Northern Front.

The Northern Front from our perspective was anything above the railway line in Rhodesia from Plumtree to Mutare. The Southern Front was anything below the railway line. So Rodwell’s responsibility, was not only to command areas like Feira, Mt Darwin, Hurungwe and so on. His area now covered the whole Northern Front. This meant his responsibility was now much bigger. The Northern Front was the one now with the responsibility to spearhead the war effort. I was then appointed as the Northern Front signals commander. We moved to Lusaka. By this time, Zvafa was still alive and we worked very, very well. He was one of the most brilliant cadres that we had. Very pragmatic and he was a motivator. I wasn’t surprised when he told me that he had recommended that I be made the Northern Front signals commander. When we moved, the structure was such that it was Zvafa, Timothy and Flemming and then myself. So for all intense and purposes I can say I was number 4 in the ZIPRA signals hierarchy but in charge of where the action was – the operations. This was 1978 and can you imagine I was just 19 years old?

MH: At that young age, how difficult was it to execute your duties?

Cde Peter Scotch: You need to know that the liberation struggle was fought by youngsters. When Mangena died, he was about 32 I think? All these guys I am talking about the Rodwells and so on, the instructors, they were 23 or 24. Never underestimate the ability of child soldiers. At that age, the ability to perform and focus is incredible. There is nothing else you have in your mind.

MH: Wasn’t there the temptation to get over-excited, over-experimental?

Cde Peter Scotch: Yes and no. I think in my case, when you have everything cut out in terms of what you are supposed to do, you don’t have much room to get excited because it’s so clear that this is your assignment and what you need to do. Everything is defined and that is what you need to do. For example, when I went back to Lusaka one of the first missions I had was to prepare about a company of 100-120 signals personnel that were going to be integrated into the regular brigade that was being trained by the Zambians at Mulungushi. So my work was cut off. The moment I got there the guys had been selected and I started training them. I did that but also continued managing signals operations at the whole front. This also involved the continuous training of the guys at the front. Sometimes even adding more people, ensuring adequate supply of signals equipment and the day to day operations. I was now slightly detached from operations at the communications centre at the headquarters. Of course I knew what was going on but not on a day to day basis. They guy who was running the centre is actually now in signals in the army, Colonel Siziba. We used to call him Dobson.

MH: Who are some of the people you trained?

Cde Peter Scotch: Ummm, let me put it this way – the core of the signals department in the Zimbabwe National Army which was headed by Colonel (rtd) Tshinga Dube are the guys that we trained. They became the core of the signals department because they were integrated into that department at independence.

MH: Tell us a bit more about the attack at Freedom Camp.

Cde Peter Scotch: After we went back to Lusaka, in fact this is when we also had another incursion into Zambia by the Rhodesians. By this time Zvafa was still alive. When I was training those guys and the headquarters was still at Freedom Camp, through various intelligence sources and our interceptions, we were aware that the Boers were preparing for an attack. So we had a house which housed the communications equipment. We had a perimeter fence. So three weeks before the attack at Freedom Camp, I ordered a trench to be dug right round the perimeter so that in case of an attack the first line of defence would jump into those trenches. But about a week before the attack I just felt that the fence should be taken away. And so it was taken away. At the same time we were moving the headquarters to another place which had bunkers and so on. The rest of the operations moved to this new HQ. The only part of the HQ that remained at this original place was the communications headquarters. So on that fateful day, it was an October morning. I remember I woke up around 6am as usual. We normally would have parade around 8am. I walked around and saw a friend of mine who was asleep and I tried to wake him up. I said to him “get up, it’s time to get going” but he said “no, no let me sleep a bit more.” So I went back to my guys and I asked for everybody to be on parade. I had that company that was training but I also had about 10 guys who had just come from the Soviet Union. We were trying to give them some orientation before deploying them. Normally these comrades would not come on parade. But that day I insisted that I wanted everybody on parade. This was around past 8am. The procedure was that if you are on parade the man of duty would rotate, from either section commander or platoon commander. This man on duty would give you a report and you would say “Section A so many, Section B so many and so on.” On this day the guy on duty came to me and said “sikwanile” and I said “no, no that is not the way to do it. Do it properly.” When he went back, one of the section commanders just started shouting “nanso, nanso, nanso.” The next thing we heard was a loud explosion. I shouted “Cover! Cover! Cover!” The comrades took cover into those trenches.

Where we were at Freedom Camp, that was a transit camp and on this particular day, we had units that were coming from Angola and we had units that were preparing to go to Angola. So all in all we were around 1 000 to 2 000 people. The bombardment started around 8:20am. This was the time when people were supposed to be lining up to get their breakfast and so on. It was also that time of the year when right round the perimeter of Freedom Camp was a field which had been ploughed and it was all clear. So I recalled what had happened at Feira.

There I was, I was the only person with a weapon, one AK47. But it was not even on me. It was inside the house. And there was nothing I could do with an AK anywhere. All I thought was, if these guys have paratroopers like what I saw in Feira, then we are finished. I got up and managed to cross that field. When I crossed the field I looked back, I could see about three jets that were now bombing the central part of the camp. Some of them were dropping napalm. You could actually see that when the jets drop a bomb, there would be a ball of flame.

I then saw three helicopters in a battle formation. They were literally machine-gunning the comrades who were trying to run away. It was open massacre. It was a killing ground. I sat under a tree and saw the helicopters go once, twice and then out. It was for about 30 minutes. I watched all that.

MH: You say you ran across this open field and watched the massacre from there. Does a good commander run away from a battle, especially considering that your comrades didn’t have anything to defend themselves?

Cde Peter Scotch: (laughs) Remember I told you that prior to this attack I had ordered the fence to be removed and we dug trenches? That was the best defence that the commander could do under the circumstances. All these were bombardments from jet fighters and the helicopters. There was no weapon at all. No weapon.

MH: You tell me about 1 000 to 2 000 people, no weapons? How come?

Cde Peter Scotch: No weapons at all. This was just a transit camp. It was a refugee transit camp. No weapons at all. I remember at some point, I think some requests had been made to mount some anti-aircraft guns. This was about 20km from Lusaka and we couldn’t do that. That was also the route where you had civilian aircraft passing and so on. So there was no way the Zambians would agree to this.

So my role as commander of that unit was simply to put the first line of defence which were the trenches. There was nothing else I could do. In retrospect, that actually worked because when I came back to the camp later, out of all the people that were there on parade, my unit, we lost nobody. The only injury was someone who was hit by a shrapnel. He was taking cover then the shrapnel flew and hit him. The one person who died from my unit was at the kitchen. But comrades from other departments who were not on parade were massacred.

After the bombardment I then moved to the main road. Freedom Camp was off the road from Ndola to Lusaka. So I went to the main road and when I got there that’s when I met Cde Mutinhiri and other comrades. Believe me when that bombardment was taking place, the whole of Lusaka came to a standstill. I met Mutinhiri and these other comrades and told them what had happened. We then went back to Freedom Camp.

When we got back, we got to the entrance and I think that is when we parted. My immediate task was to quickly check what had happened to the communication headquarters. Going towards the communications headquarters, I passed by the place where I told you I tried to wake up that friend of mine. Those jets were dropping about 500 pounders and when those pounders land, they decimate everything around. So I looked around the place where he had been sleeping, but I only saw his left foot. I think he tried to wake up and he was blown apart. So I picked up his foot and that is the only thing that I buried. Just his left foot and a boot.

Walking further, there were bodies all over. Some guys had been burnt by napalm, different limps all over the place. It was a total disaster.

MH: Were there some comrades who were still alive?

Cde Peter Scotch: Ohh, yes there were. Some were alive, injured and so on. I walked to the communications house. Fortunately, the damage to the house was cosmetic. The equipment was not totally damaged. I think Mutinhiri and these other comrades contacted the Zambians. Ambulances came, civilians came to help and some of our guys carried their comrades to hospital.

We started picking up the dead bodies. Next to the communications house, there was this mango trees, we started lining up all the dead bodies. We lined up in two rows 226 bodies. I think about midday to just after lunch, we managed to organise excavators and bulldozers and buried these comrades in mass graves. We started carrying these comrades one by one putting them into the mass graves. I think around 3pm we had finished the burials. Soon after this, it rained a lot. Lots of rain.

After this, I didn’t go anywhere. I took my stretcher and put it next to my communication house and that I where I slept.

MH: Umm, this is gruesome and horrific. Can you tell us, you lined up 226 bodies and some comrades were injured, how do you sleep and where do you get the courage to continue with the war?

Cde Peter Scotch: (long pause). You have no option. In fact this just demonstrates how high the stakes are and the resolve required to be able to win the war. When you see the extent to which the enemy can go to ensure that you don’t take over the country, it makes you aware that there is value that the enemy is trying to defend which is yours. Not theirs.

That even makes you more determined to fight because if you don’t you are the one going to be killed. You would rather take the fight back to them. So instead of the massacre and instead of death making us afraid, this motivated us further. These are your colleagues you are seeing dead. These are comrades who had become part of your family. You see them dead there and you ask yourself, why? The answer is the Boers don’t want to let go what is yours.

MH: You are turning a tragedy into something that motivates you?

Cde Peter Scotch: Correct. You become much stronger and more resolute. Now you know that if you don’t do that, a lot more of your colleagues outside and inside the country are going to be killed.

MH: You said you took your stretcher and slept just outside the communications house. Tell us what was going through your mind?

Cde Peter Scotch: I will be honest with you, I didn’t shed one tear.

MH: Why? How come?

Cde Peter Scotch: I pinched myself and asked myself, “am I alive? Am I really experiencing all these things?” You become emotionless. Your mind somehow becomes blank. I know some comrades went crazy. Even the guy who was the camp commander, he was called Mbizvo, he never recovered from that. He never even came back to the camp. The guy who was the chief of staff at the camp was killed. I remember he was called Ishmael. It was that bad.

In my case, I came back and said this is what has happened, life has to go on. The struggle has to continue. We have a programme that we have to finish and we will finish it. There is nowhere else to go, except to be here and see this through.

MH: But on hindsight, do you think something could have been done to save these comrades?

Cde Peter Scotch: It’s difficult. Very difficult to say. Don’t forget the struggle was fought with a lot of constraints in territories that were not ours. Assuming that you would have wanted to take certain measures, it also depended on internal and external factors. Some of those places we were we had just been offered and even the defences we could put there we could not put the defences arbitrary. There had to be some kind of agreement with our host. So that’s a bit of a difficult question to say we could have done this or that.

MH: You mention the issue of constraints. What were some of these constraints?

Cde Peter Scotch: When we were training, we started being a group of about 300 and we ended up around 1 000. I had a pair of shoes I started training with but for sizes 8 upwards, there were no boots. My shoes were torn after three months and after that I trained barefoot, right in the middle of the game reserve. You know I went to the Soviet Union barefoot. You know during training we used wooden poles? Around January-February 1977, we went for about a month surviving on a cup of beans in the morning, a cup of beans in the afternoon and a cup of beans in the evening. And we still had to train. These were some of the constraints on the training side. When it came to operations, we still had lots of constraints in terms of equipment, food and so on. We need really had enough to execute the war the way we would have wanted.

However I must admit that our hosts played their part. I remember Kaunda even used to starve his own people to provide for us. We even had structural problems within ZIPRA itself. Remember we were learning on the job. Nobody had done it before. So you find out that some decisions were ok, some were not. We corrected mistakes as we went. Under these circumstances I don’t think anything better could have been done.

To be continued next week. Hold on for a frank and honest discussion

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The following is the foreword by the President and First Secretary of Zanu-PF, Cde Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa, to the ruling party’s 2018 Election Manifesto launched last Friday in Harare

***

To restore the legacy of our liberation struggle, the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF) party, hereby presents the People’s Manifesto for the 2018 Harmonised Elections at this defining opportune moment.

Our legacy ideals are the land, economic emancipation, Independence, sovereignty, democracy, patriotism, Ubuntu, national pride and dignity.

These ideals which we all share and take pride in as Zimbabweans, permanently connect us to our past as the hallmark of the heroic, enduring and unforgettable armed struggle which liberated Zimbabwe from the shackles of colonialism.

We are now in a New Dispensation under the leadership of Zanu-PF, where the focus and preoccupation of the new administration is opening up the country for business, fighting corruption, creating jobs, modernising the public sector and promoting investment, economic empowerment and re-aligning to an investor friendly trajectory that leads to economic growth and job creation.

The resolve to open up Zimbabwe for business is strengthened by the new Zanu-PF leadership’s re-affirmation of the country’s membership to the family of nations and its expression of our commitment to playing our part in all regional, continental and international bodies in order to make our contribution towards a prosperous and peaceful world order.

The revolutionary and democratic Zanu-PF Party continues to seek broad based development and economic emancipation of the people.

This is founded on its unshakable principles that uphold justice and equity for all.

It is a liberation movement which thrives on and cherishes National Unity as the foundation for the conducive conditions for peace, security and development.

The establishment of the National Peace and Reconciliation Commission in line with Chapter 12 of the National Constitution is a robust step towards achieving the inherent goal of unity and national healing.

The party is also guided by its democratic and Pan-African values where the leadership is accountable to the people who elect it.

To demonstrate this, the Party constitutionally and periodically gathers for conferences at district, provincial and national levels.

Zanu-PF is driven by the ideology of servant leadership, where the leaders are elected to serve the people as informed by the tenets of good governance and constitutionalism.

Furthermore, the essence of Zanu-PF’s ideological thrust is the establishment of an egalitarian society firmly based on our historical, cultural and social experiences which create conditions for economic independence, prosperity and equitable distribution of national wealth.

Additionally, Zanu-PF believes in a mixed economy in which free enterprise is encouraged and rewarded.

This is because the party’s ideology as set out in its constitution indicates a preference for a mixed economy.

It also believes in putting people at the centre of governance for inclusive value adding decision making as was amply demonstrated during the historic and successful Operation Restore Legacy where the driving force was popularised motto “Vox Populi, Vox Dei” (“The Voice of the People is the Voice of God”).

The party holds in high esteem democratic values and ideals that have made us exist in diversity.

Only on the basis of such values can we successfully attain economic prosperity, create jobs for our people, provide housing for all, avail opportunities for all and equality for our people, inclusive of men, youth, people with disabilities as we realise the true meaning of independence.

It is our collective responsibility as Zimbabweans to transform our economy towards middle-income status by 2030.

Let us all join hands with Zanu-PF and restore our dignity through working together in rebuilding our economy as indicated by the 2018 Election Manifesto Theme: “Unite, Fight Corruption, Develop, Re-Engage and Create Jobs”.

The Zanu-PF party, therefore, appeals to you all Zimbabweans including the youth, women, people with disabilities, the marginalised and the vulnerable from across the political, ethnic and racial divide to go out in your large numbers to vote overwhelmingly for Zanu-PF in the forthcoming elections to ensure that our legacy leaves some marked footprints for posterity.

I have great faith in the people of Zimbabwe and in the future of our country.

More importantly, as Zanu-PF, we remain committed to the cause of making our nation greater and stronger.

Vote for the preservation of our legacy. Vote for peace and stability. Vote for inclusivity, prosperity, progress and development. Vote for a tried and tested party.

Vote for Zanu-PF.

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ZANU-PF has reaffirmed its commitment to fighting corruption with those caught on the wrong side of the law set to face the music.

Over the years, the scourge had hampered economic growth.

According to the newly launched Zanu-PF 2018 election manifesto, the fight against corruption is on the ruling party’s top priority list.

This year’s manifesto is themed “Unite, Fight Corruption, Develop, Re-engage and Create Jobs” and was launched by President Emmerson Mnangagwa on Friday in the capital.

The people’s manifesto reads in part: “The people of Zimbabwe have demonstrated tremendous resilience and perseverance in the face of threats to achieving their aspirations, which have been championed by Zanu-PF over the years, despite facing a myriad of challenges that included MDC-engineered sanctions, corruption, State capture by the G40 cabal and HIV/AIDS and rising cases of non-communicable diseases (NCDs).  “Corruption has been prevalent through bribery, embezzlement of public assets, fraud, smuggling, externalisation of funds, concealment of information, abuse of office for personal gain, extortion, misrepresentation, nepotism and tax evasion. This has greatly stalled economic development, ultimately robbing the people of decent livelihoods.”

The Zanu-PF People’s Manifesto says the new dispensation has adopted zero tolerance to corruption. This has seen the Government embarking on a blitz to prosecute offenders.

The new administration has already started fighting externalisation with about US$600 million of looted funds having been brought back into the country while those who turned a deaf ear on President Mnangagwa’s amnesty to repatriate externalised money and properties face imminent arrest. A number of high profile figures including former Finance Minister Dr Ignatius Chombo, Mines and Mining Development ex-Minister Mr Walter Chidhakwa, Professor Francis Gudyanga (former secretary for Mines and Mining Development and Mr Walter Mzembi (Foreign Affairs former Minister), among others, have been dragged to court over corruption allegations.

Former Higher and Tertiary Education Professor Jonathan Moyo, although he skipped the border, is facing fraud charges after misappropriating US$400 000 from the Zimbabwe Manpower Development Fund (Zimdef).  In part, the manifesto also reads: “To buttress its stance on corruption, the public management and governance systems have been revamped to enhance efficient service delivery, accountability and transparency. A clique of corrupt and criminal counter-revolutionaries had coalesced around the former First Lady (Dr Grace Mugabe), took advantage of an aged former President (Mr Robert Mugabe) and illegally usurped executive power which they exercised without a Constitutional mandate from the electorate.

“This paralysed the Government machinery and hampered the implementation of policies, thereby depriving the people of much-needed development.”

Zanu-PF also paid tribute to thousands of people who took to the streets on November 18, 2017, demanding Mr Mugabe to resign after failing to uphold and defend the Constitution.  “This ushered in a new dawn under a united and rejuvenated Zanu-PF, which respects the ideals of the liberation struggle and is committed to supremacy of the people’s aspirations and their fulfilment under its reverent guardianship,” reads part of the manifesto.

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Clearly, Mutsvangwa has issues with the Lieutenant-General (retired) Rugeje and Mashonaland West Provincial Affairs Minister Webster Shamu, but there are far much better ways of resolving those differences than kupaumba pamberi pepwere.A�

SINCE Government legalised the production of cannabis (mbanje) for medicinal or scientific purposes a few weeks ago, as a Bishop I have stayed away from preaching about this issue. I thought the ever-curious members of my congregation would say a�?ko Bishop makuita zvembanje futi?a�? So I stayed clear of this mbanje issue.

Then last Friday, Bishop Nehemiah Mutendi, leader of the Zion Christian Church gave me a window of opportunity to open up on the issue.

I have lots of respect for Bishop Mutendi, but he is not my spiritual father. While giving his devotion as ZANU-PF was launching its election manifesto last Friday, the highly respected Bishop said something that really presented me with the go ahead to preach a little about mbanje today.

While giving advice to ZANU-PF members who had lost during the recently held primary elections and were behaving like kids about it, Bishop Mutendi said: a�?. . . dona��t seek be a hero. . . Some heroes have turned out to be sellouts . . . chiri chii chingatiparadzanisa? This is not the war (the primary elections), masvusvu aya, doro riri mberi . . . Wotsikwa chigunwe chimwe chete wotozhamba?a�?

Very short and simple advice, but loaded. I know many in and outside ZANU-PF with fertile minds quickly thought of Christopher Mutsvangwa who after losing in the primary elections has been acting very un-comradely.

I will preach a little about this later. While many were thinking about Mutsvangwa, I thought Bishop Mutendi was giving me a cue to speak my mind about mbanje. Kana Bishop Mutendi vachitaura zvedoro ini ndinotadza nei kukaura zvembanje?

So heino mharidzo yangu panyaya yembanje. Good and wise move by Government. I know there is a section of mischievous congregants in my church.

This section usually sits at the back, making all sorts of mischievous comments. I know for certain now they are busy whispering a�?Bishop Lazarus vanenge vakavharwa nembanje.a�?

But I mean it. The Government made a good move through Statutory Instrument 62 of 2018 (Dangerous Drugs a��Production of Cannabis for Medicinal and Scientific Use Regulations). Under this instrument, producers of mbanje must be licensed by the Minister of Health and Child Care.

Reminds me of the years gone by when I was still in love with that great Jamaican rastaman Peter Tosh. Up to this day, no one can convince me otherwise – Peter Tosh was way, way ahead of Bob Marley as a musician.

Bob Marley got lucky because of his skin colour, but more importantly he agreed to be recruited and be used by the capitalist vampires. Anyway, this sermon is not about Peter and Bob.

But I used to listen to Tosh a lost when he would sing: a�?So youa��ve got to legalize it; And it dona��t criticize it; Legalize it, yeah yeah; And I will advertise it; Ita��s good for the flu; Good for asthma; Good for tuberculosis; Even numara thrombosis!a�? Those were the days of rub-a-dub style and we would skank like there was no tomorrow at Ngezi High School in Mhondoro.

Dear congregants, please take time to understand Statutory Instrument 62 of 2018. The Government is not in any way saying ngadzirohwe pese, pese. Ita��s all specifically for medicinal and scientific purposes. This is the direction the world is moving. a�?And it dona��t just criticize ita�?. Soon you will understand why the Government took this wise move.A� Kwanzi ngadzirimwe, kwete ngadziputwe. Zvamurimi!

Now that we are done with mbanje, this weeka��s sermon will scratch a little about Mutsvangwa and a little more about the bullet-train and spaghetti-roads leader Nelson Chamisa.

Leta��s start with Mutsvangwa. You know I actually thought the good comrade had mistaken Statutory Instrument 62 of 2018? I thought he thought ita��s about consumption of mbanje and he had gone ahead to a�?puff the spliffa�? in rasta lingo.

Mutsvangwaa��s reaction to his loss during the ZANU-PF primary elections was very un-comrade like. Look, Mutsvangwa is a jolly good fellow who speaks his mind and his verbosity really excites quite a number of people. He can spew those jaw-breakers like he is reading that Student Companion book. Many scribes enjoy it, but there was nothing to enjoy about this comradea��s reaction to his loss.

He had no kind words for ZANU-PF national commissar, Lieutenant-General (retired) Engelbert Rugeje on the way the way the primary elections were held:

a�?It is inconceivable that the President will win given that the partya��s members have been largely disenfranchised.

a�?We realised that instead of being in the primary elections to provide peace and a stable environment in which Zanu PF members freely express themselves and choose their leaders, the national commissar, being a political novice, sought advice from a rehabilitated ex-Gamatox commissar in the form of Webster Shamu to turn police into returning-officers.a�?

This is not how comrades behave. This is not how comrades react and this is definitely not the way that comrades treat other comrades. NO. NO. NEVER! Comrade Mutsvangwa, iyi sandiyo nzira yemasoja yekuzvibata nayo. No, comrade kwete! However angry and however the injustice. The presidential advisor doesna��t behave like a jilted lover.

There is no way here I am suggesting that the national commissar was right. No. In fact, what transpired over those four days was enough to show that the commissar didna��t handle things properly. It was very clear that the commissar hadna��t budgeted for a lot of things and if it wasna��t for cool heads and political experience, the situation could have embarrassed ZANU-PF in a big way.

But despite all the shortcomings, there was no reason for Mutsvangwa to try to be a hero. Remember that idiomatic expression: a�?Dona��t throw the baby out with the bathwatera�?. A whole presidential advisor screaming to the world that the President could lose elections, just because he thinks something has gone wrong in Norton?

No comrade. This is not how democracy is practiced and this is not the way you can even claim to be raising the red flag before elections. Even football referees havango simudzi mared cards pose, pose.

And please, comrade Mutsvangwa, stop this system of trying to rope in all war veterans in your personal issues. People should never be afraid of war veterans. War veterans should be respected and this new dispensation has shown that it respects war veterans. Izvi zvekutyityidzirana kuti pangoitika something you dona��t like you quickly say a�?ndodeedza boys rangua�? is very wrong and shows disrespect for the war veterans. Pamberi nema war veterans edu!

Clearly, Mutsvangwa has issues with the Lieutenant-General (retired) Rugeje and Mashonaland West Provincial Affairs Minister Webster Shamu, but there are far much better ways of resolving those differences than kupaumba pamberi pepwere. Ko kana imi baba modaro, isu vana todii?

Even the Holy Book in Titus 1 vs 7-14 says: a�?Since an overseer manages Goda��s household, he must be blameless – not overbearing, not quick-tempered, not given to drunkenness, not violent, not pursuing dishonest gain.A� Rather, he must be hospitable, one who loves what is good, who is self-controlled, upright, holy and disciplined. He must hold firmly to the trustworthy message as it has been taught, so that he can encourage others by sound doctrine and refute those who oppose it.a�?

Sekuru vangu Matope (may his soul rest in peace) always said: a�?Muzukuru, vanhu pfigiranai mumba motaura. Imbwa ndidzo dzinohukura dziri panze.a�? As your Bishop I sincerely hope that the ZANU-PF leadership will handle the Mutsvangwa issue in ways that will show him that ZANU-PF has functioning ears and so there is no need for anyone to shout on top of Mt Everest.

Talking of the ZANU-PF leadership, I think President Mnangagwa and Vice President Chiwenga last Friday managed to give one Nelson Chamisa some political stuff to be really scared of. First was the well-crafted theme: a�?Unite, Fight Corruption, Develop, Re-Engage, Create Jobsa�?, and then the election message premised on: a�?Visionary, Inspired, Transparent, Accountable, Principled and Servant Leadership.a�?

Chamisa remains stuck as a transactional leader – a something for something leader. Bernard Bass in his 1998 book, a�?Transformational leadership: Industrial, Military and Educational Impacta�? asserts that the transactional model of leadership was dominant in the 1970s and 1980s. This leadership model according to Bass (1998) is based on an exchange between leader and follower where the interests of both parties are served. The efforts made by followers to achieve organisational aims are exchanged for specific rewards, which maybe financial or non-financial.

The most unfortunate thing is that Chamisa is a something for something leader, yet he has nothing to give to those MDC-T hoodlums surrounding him. It will backfire soon.

While Chamisa is promising bullet trains, spaghetti roads and even the moon, President Mnangagwa has shown that he is a transformational leader seeking to transform Zimbabwe and its people.

In their 1994 book, a�?Improving organizational effectiveness through transformational leadershipa�?, Bernard Bass and Bruce Avolio say transformational leadership remains the predominant leadership approach and has had a significant impact on the way that modern leaders behave.

Transformational leadership, according to Bass and Avolio (1994) is characterised by certain competencies and qualities. Common themes of these qualities include having a vision, emotional intelligence and being consistent and clear. Transformational leadership style concentrates on the development of followers as well as their needs.

I know some people are really excited about Chamisa, but hey dear people these leadership models really matter.

VP Chiwenga gave us a hint of the forthcoming attractions in the political ring: a�?We shall have time to dismantle their little, make-belief dreams as we get down to real campaign work . . .

a�?Before they tackle our icon, could they do their own supporters a small favour by resolving legitimacy issues that dog and haunt them! We excuse them for being too young to have participated in the struggle. But we cannot excuse them from mounting a bid for national leadership from a pilfered party crown!

a�?The courted and concussed voter has to read, weigh and decide from a welter of competing visions . . .

a�?But visions are deeper and a more serious affair for transforming nations, impacting a people. Not childish dreams which excite rude passions, while not surviving even the most charitable scrutiny. We hear such child-like and childish talk designed to transform make-belief worlds fit for the paintera��s canvas, never phases to be lived and enjoyed. Bullet trains! Spaghetti Roads! Rural Airports! Cell phones for Animal Kingdoms! All such and much more crazy ideas to come . . .a�?

Ummm, let the election season begin! Paita soja rinosvika kure apa!

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