Advocate Martin Dinha
Mashonaland Central is blessed to host First Lady Amai Grace Mugabe’s projects.

With Amai Mugabe as the driving force, the First Family has made significant investments that have changed the face of this province.

Since 1980, no one has invested in Mashonaland Central as much as Amai Mugabe has.

When the First Family was allocated a farm in Mazowe, it was just an ordinary property. The farm was vandalised and had nothing to write home about.

However, the First Family turned it into a dairy hub that has changed the lives of thousands of people.

In the past, dairy farming was the preserve of white people, but through Gushungo Dairies, the farm is a world-class milk production centre. Foreign visitors can testify that Gushungo Dairies is indeed a world-class project.

The province has benefited a lot from this project. It has turned into an agro-processing industry that sustains many families in line with the Value-Addition and Beneficiation Cluster of Zim-Asset.

Amai Mugabe is hardworking and never stops aspiring to achieve more.

Amai Grace Mugabe Children’s Home shows that she is a trailblazer. She came up with the idea of not establishing an orphanage, but an innovative children’s home with modern standards of giving to the underprivileged.

At the ground-breaking ceremony, some 10 or so years ago, there was nothing to write home about. It was just like any other bushy area, filled with acacia trees.

But only a couple of years later, the area was transformed into an eye-catching state-of-the-art institution.

It has transformed the small township of Mazowe into the talk of the whole country.

After building the children’s home, Amai Mugabe did not rest, but invested heavily in education by building Grace Mugabe Primary School and the Senior School.

She is, no doubt, inspired by President Mugabe who values education.

Education is the biggest weapon against poverty and the foundation for any success. So, she has created a sound platform for these children; from which they can do great things for themselves and the country.

We believe it is no coincidence that the area where the children’s home is situated is the same area where Mbuya Nehanda lived.

At times, when we see the First Lady and the great things she has done, we are left pondering . . .

She has a vision to do things that many of us never imagined possible in this small township of Mazowe. Mashonaland Central is fortunate.

We know other provinces would have wanted to have someone like her.

As the provincial leadership, we have no regret over our decision to give her more land for her projects. She has laid out her plans to build a state-of-the-art hospital.

She is also building a university in honour of President Mugabe.

Amai Mugabe is driving these projects out of her willpower, using her resources and time, fervently looking for investors on her own.

Yet, these projects are not for her own benefit. They are going to benefit people in the province. What more can you ask for from an individual?

Because of her passion for development, the Mashonaland Central Provincial Lands Committee asked her to help in resuscitating Manzou Game Park, an area which is a national heritage, but which has failed to realise its potential for a long time.

We asked her to find partners and financiers so that this place, which has Mbuya Nehanda’s legacy, takes its place as a national heritage site and a tourist attraction.

We selected her because, as I have said before, there is no single individual in the province who has contributed to development more than she has.

In my interactions with her, I have learnt to understand that she abhors factionalism.

It has been very unfortunate that some people have abused her kindness and good name to pursue their own selfish agendas.

There are many detractors who want to denigrate the First Lady. They go to every length to demonise her.

However, they can attack her as much as they want.

They can climb the highest mountain and proclaim all negatives, but they will not take away the fact that the First Lady has done amazing things for the people of Mashonaland Central.

She has exhibited unreserved love for the people and has shown her passion to give and better the lives of others.

I want to wish the First Lady a most graceful birthday and take this opportunity to thank her for the great things she has done to advance the province of Mashonaland Central.

Advocate Martin Dinha is Mashonaland Central Provincial Affairs Minister. He shared these views with The Sunday Mail’s Chief Reporter Kuda Bwititi last week ahead of the First Lady’s 52nd birthday today

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Just over a year short of celebrating a century on Earth, Sekuru Michael Sinisirayi Nyamayaro continues to defy Father Time.

Though his eyesight has somewhat given in, his voice projection, hearing and memory make a mockery of the fact that he turns 100-years-old in November 2018.

With the help of a walking aid, he wobbles into the decently furnished lounge of his home in Old Highfield, Harare.

He sits and turns to The Sunday Mail crew that has visited him, exclaiming: “You have disturbed what I was doing outside; how can I help you?”

More of a demand than a welcome remark without much regard to the need to exchange pleasantries.

Born on November 4 1918, Sekuru Nyamayaro says he arrived in Harare — Highfield, more specifically — in 1943, and literally witnessed the growth of the capital.

And years later, he was among the “boys” who sacrificed a lot during Zimbabwe’s liberation war when Highfield became the hotbed of nationalist politics.

“Oh, you want to hear about what went on during the war?” he enquires, the wary smile indicating he does not exactly trust us — likely a hold-over from the war years when inquisitive strangers could be agents of your death.

“How do I know your intentions are well-meant?”

Though not really at the forefront of the growth of nationalism back in the day, Sekuru Nyamayaro remembers vividly, and with a sense of nostalgia, the late ‘40s, ‘50s and early ‘60s, the formative years of rising dissent against white supremacy in the then Rhodesia.

“It all started with (Godfrey) Huggins’ Federation. He insisted on combining us (Southern Rhodesia), Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) and Nyasaland (Malawi) into one country.

“If he had not insisted on his Federation idea, maybe we could have had our independence a bit earlier without going through what we went through,” he proffers, rather resignedly.

Sekuru Nyamayaro says he was there when nationalist leaders such as Cdes Joshua Nkomo, Morris Nyagumbo, George Nyandoro and Robert Mugabe held meetings at Highfield’s Cyril Jennings Hall, popularly known as kuCJ.

He was one of the “boys” who went around mobilising support.

“It was an effort not without its dangers. I was employed in government, working at Andrew Fleming Hospital (now Parirenyatwa Hospital). Being involved in mobilising political support was a great risk because once word got out that you were sympathetic to nationalism, that was the end of your job. Plus, there was further humiliation for you and your family. Those whites were ruthless.”

Among the many injustices that blacks suffered at the hands of whites, Sekuru Nyamayaro says, was that Standard Six signalled the end of a black man’s education.

“Remember, blacks were not allowed into university, so whether you passed or failed your Standard Six, that was the end of your education.

“And imagine even walking in the streets; blacks were not allowed to use the sidewalk. There were restrictions regarding where black people could walk. The colour bar was just too much. Blacks were also not allowed to drink clear beer, and when we went shopping, we bought items through a window.

“Those injustices drove most of us to be conscious that something was wrong with the system. So, when these nationalists came with their message of wanting to free the black people, we easily identified with their message because it was something that we saw and experienced everyday.”

The rising sense of nationalism in Highfield saw the colonial establishment erect an electric fence around the suburb, recounts Sekuru Nyamayaro.

“There was only one entry and exit point into Highfield, which was by the probation centre. On exiting, either going to work or visiting, say Mbare, one would have an ‘X’ marked on their palm, a mark which they had to show on returning.

“If you didn’t have that mark, you were not allowed into Highfield. That is how insecure the white regime had become because of the growing resentment towards its system.”

But the more repressive the regime became, the more determined Sekuru Nyamayaro and his compatriots became.

“I remember engaging Samson Dinhidza, who owned a Zodiac vehicle to drive nationalists when they came to Highfield for meetings. He used to drive Nkomo around a lot.

“And to make sure he did not get into trouble, we told him if he was to be caught by the police and questioned, he would just say he had been hired and didn’t know the identities of the people who had hired him. But fortunately, we never encountered any problems.”

Besides mobilising the masses to attend meetings, most of them held at CJ, Sekuru Nyamayaro says financial support was also critical to winning the liberation war.

“Every month-end, we would make collections and remit these at either Mushandirapamwe Hotel or Mwayera’s store. They are the ones who knew how the money got to the people who needed it. All we did was make collections.”

And then the colonialists jammed radio stations.

“There came a time when the white government did not want us to know what was happening around us, so every time you tuned in to the radio all you could hear were bells. So, for news on what was happening at the war front and in our country, we had to tune into Radio Tanzania or Radio Moscow, sometimes as late as midnight.”

The resistance movement in Highfield came up with codes such as “mwana wevhu” (son/daughter of the soil).

“When you heard someone saying ndiri mwana wevhu (I am a son/daughter of the soil), you instinctively knew something was up. Either that was a call to go and block certain roads leading into town using bricks and stones, or it was a call to get into beerhalls and spill those beer mugs so that people could attend meetings. We just spilled beer; we never beat up people. That way, we encouraged people to attend meetings.”

It is striking that Sekuru Nyamayaro is good with his dates and incidents.

He narrates his story, rather stories (they became intertwined as the conversation warmed up) without confusing one incident for another.

As the discussion slowly drifts from the colonial era to life in general, Sekuru Nyamayaro says he is looking forward to his centenary celebrations.

And on November 5, he starts his journey into the 100th year, fully aware that he was one of the “boys” who helped liberate Zimbabwe.

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Howdy folks!

We should applaud Cabinet for its strong message to sex offenders.

Last Tuesday, Government established principles on proposed amendments to the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act on minimum mandatory sentencing of rapists.

According to the principles, rapists will be sentenced to 60 years for sexual violence against 12-year-olds and the disabled, and 40 years for the remaining categories of offences.

Folks, the country’s rape statistics are very disturbing and all we can conclude from perusing them is that something needed to be done as soon as yesterday.

Figures released by the Zimbabwe National Statistical Agency last year show that at least 21 women are raped daily in Zimbabwe, which translates to one woman being sexually abused every 75 minutes.

There was a 42 percent increase in rape cases over the past six years.

If we include unreported incidences and the number of men being raped by women, the figure can be actually much higher.

I believe that unreported cases are probably higher than reported ones.

In light of the above, we surely cannot continue on such a trend as business as usual and as if nothing is wrong here.

Rape and any other form of sexual violence should be denied a place in this contemporary society. We cannot call ourselves progressive when some amongst us are still practising these barbaric acts.

Rape leaves wounds that will always remain fresh in the victim’s faculties. It certainly can inflict long term psychological, emotional and physical wounds on a victim.

Apart from depression and post-traumatic disorder, some are left infected with viruses that will affect their lives.

Some end up with unwanted pregnancies and giving birth to children they cannot even look at without thinking about the ordeal they went through.

Going through that kind of pain every single day is just an awful experience that no one deserves.

Rape is the gravest form of violence, folks, which is why offenders should be given the gravest form of punishment and not be slapped on their wrists.

This is why in countries such as China the sentence for rape is death.

In Saudi Arabia, rapists are publicly beheaded after being sedated, while in North Korea, rapists face death by firing squad. Actually, a number of countries also use death and castration as forms of punishment.

These may sound harsh and inhumane. But when you stop behaving like a human, why should you expect to be treated like one? You are treated like the beast that you are.

Stiff penalties for those robbing people of their indispensable dignity through rape can, therefore, send a strong, correct and unambiguous message to would-be offenders.

They can go try hell.

The laws of our country must never give an impression that we are a pro-rape nation, and in stiffening the punishment for such a devious crime, Government should be applauded.

The move fits squarely within the progressive aspirations of our modern nation. Evidence from countries that imposed stiffer penalties also shows that the rates of crime decreased.

Folks, sex should be a personal decision of people of the right age that comes from their unambiguous consent. Why should such a sacrosanct right be stripped from someone? It should be preserved all the time.

Some pride themselves with wanting to do it on their honeymoon, while others may want to do it after being sure that they have finally found their soul-mates.

Others consider various reasons, but the most important thing is that their decisions are motivated by their personal convictions.

To then be robbed of such a right, which can never be given back, is a horrible experience.

How do you expect someone to deal with such a painful ordeal every day they wake up, knowing that they were raped?

That they were not physically and emotionally prepared for it and suddenly it was forced upon them in the gravest of circumstances?

Some are children as young as a few months old, raped to appease the sexual demons of a whole grown up man, or kwahi ndibve ndapora Aids kana kuita mhanza yemari zhinji.

What nonsense!

Surely, that kind of behaviour should not be tolerated and our laws should reflect that loud and clear — we are not a safe haven for rapists!

Folks, it should, however, be noted that stiffer penalties only are not an end in themselves, but a means to an end.

What should also be given attention is dealing with cultural and family practices that tend to sweep rape under the carpet in order to protect the reputation of offenders or family relations. Kwahi hazviite kushambadzira nyika yose kuti mwana akabhinywa nababa vake.

It is a mountain that should be moved.

Most victims are raped by people they know and respect and others are threatened not to speak. We should strive to create a conducive environment that encourages them to speak freely and expose rape.

In Zimbabwe, relative progress has been made, for example, through the creation of victim-friendly courts supporting quick processing of child abuse cases and bringing about justice.

Another important issue is the provision of facilities that provide emergency care to victims of rape to avoid unwanted and unplanned pregnancies as well as the transmission of diseases/infections.

While adult rape clinics have been established, they need to be intensified to more areas, especially being guided by prevalence data.

The health of victims should be prioritised.

There are also other behaviours and activities that often times make young people, both male and female, vulnerable to rape and should be dealt with.

These include abusing alcohol or drugs, involvement in sex work, “wild parties” and others.

It is also important to realise that we all have a role to play in preventing and dealing with rape as members of society.

What we see and hear might help officials to reduce the growing trend of rape.

Later folks!

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Farai Chinyani
First Lady Amai Grace Mugabe is my mother’s sister. My mother, Mrs Junior Shuvai Gumbochuma, is the eldest in their family.

So, you will realise that the two have a joint birthday party on Saturday (yesterday) because my mum is turning 60 while the First Lady will be 52 (today).

I know that everyone is thinking it’s the First Lady’s birthday party, but this time around, she is doing it for her sister. She is taking a back seat.

So, the party is for my mum, and it’s a surprise disguised as the First Lady’s party.

My mum was born on the 21st of July 1957 and mhamha (Amai Mugabe) was born on the 23rd of July 1965. Their birthdays are just a day apart, hence the combined celebrations.

The First Lady and President Mugabe raised me. I was born when my mum was very young and my father passed away when I was two years old. Therefore, I lived with Amai from when I was about nine-years-old.

She is such a wonderful person.

Amai Mugabe is generous, very cultured; and you even see for yourself that she is also very smart.

Amai is hard-working. We learnt that diligence from her. She is cultured in the sense that she always teaches us to be decent women; she takes care of her husband all the time.

She taught us that even though we are educated, we should be good wives. She cooks for her husband all the time.

And when she comes home from the office, she is in the kitchen, cooking for her family. She loves her family and cares for it very well.

As a parent, she is strict.

We never used to go out; we were never allowed to go anywhere. Iiii . . . she is so strict; even the girls (Mrs Chinyani’s sisters) can tell you how strict the First Lady is.

It runs in their family because all our mothers are so strict, especially on the girls. There are so many of us and very few boys. We just used to be at home all the time.

On her role in politics, I think Amai got into politics when she was very young and as you can see, she has matured over time.

The First Lady is a very tough person and can withstand political pressure. Politics is not an easy game, but she can stand the heat. I think she is a courageous person. That I don’t doubt.

Mother is also philanthropic.

She raises those kids at her orphanage in Mazowe like they were her own. If you go there, you will be amazed.

I can’t even understand it because she treats the 90 kids the same; vese vakadaro. Those kids love her so much.

When she gets there, everyone runs to her and she remembers all of them by name, including what this one and the other likes to eat; how the others behave.

So, she has a good heart. She has always been like that.

The First Lady gave all of those children names.

As you would know, the kids come into the orphanage without any name. But Amai gives them names that she remembers all the time.

I wonder how she manages to do that.

Of course, in public, she has to behave in a certain way since she is a public figure. However, at home, she is so free with everyone around her.

She is probably the most easy-going of our mothers. She likes to joke around with us a lot. But when she gets serious, she really means business.

Well, she has changed a lot over the years kubva tiri vadiki. When she married the President, she was still young and managed to do her A-Levels, then her higher education, including a PhD. That just shows how disciplined she is.

So, you know, education changes people. You can tell that this person has matured.

She has learnt a lot over the years through exposure to the outside world where she has travelled, meeting notable world leaders.

She is a wise person.

There are just too many memorable moments. My family and, particularly my mother’s family, our background … we grew up in a poor family.

We are all grateful that the President married into our family and as you can imagine, it changed our lives. It gave us opportunities that we had never dreamt of. We have managed to go to school, college, university.

The First Lady helped us to attain an education and she treats us all the same…vana sekuru, vana vavo. All the kids have gone to college because of Amai. When some people become successful in life, they just focus on their own well-being.

I actually think that the most important thing she has done for us is empowering us with education. We have been educated and now we can do things on our own.

I went to boarding school.

I went to St Francis Assisi and then to Eagle house in Marondera before I enrolled for college in the United States where I studied Information Systems and attained a Master’s degree. My sisters also have degrees.

We all thank the First Lady for her generosity. My relationship with the First Lady is solid, dating back to some many many years ago. She is 10 years older than me, so we are more of friends.

We used to rent one room in Mabvuku around 1980; just after the war. That was our home. It was just a small room and there were four of us — the First Lady, my mum and Mai Chidhakwa. e later moved to Tafara and then to Marondera when my mum remarried. By that time, the First Lady was in school.

She completed her Secretarial course and worked in the Office of the President.

By that time, we were now staying at Trafalgar Court in Harare. We later moved to another flat along Samora Machel Avenue and then to Lochnivar.

After she married the President, we moved to Mandara then to State House. Through the President and Amai’s support, we are also into farming and my husband (Mr Tendai Chinyani) is the one who is really into serious farming. We did about 250 hectares of maize last season, and are still harvesting. It was a good farming season. The President is just an amazing man. I can’t just describe his benevolence.

He took us in his house, the whole family. I was just a curious person. I remember having lots of conversations with him about the war, the Lancaster House Conference.

I wanted to understand.

He is so patient and explains everything, and remembers many things. He encouraged me to study; he mentored me and always encouraged me to be serious with school.

Mudhara is different when he is at home because he talks a lot and jokes.

Both the First Lady and the President eat a lot of traditional food: Sadza rezviyo, mhunga, vegetables, muboora.

The First Lady is fit and so is the President; they exercise. They wake up every morning and exercise daily.

Mum (First Lady) likes music, particularly reggae. She used to listen to UB40. She can also dance, hey (laughs)!

I just want to wish my two mothers happy birthday and many more years filled with health and happiness.

Mrs Farai Chinyani was speaking to The Sunday Mail’s Brian Chitemba in Harare last week ahead of First Lady Amai Mugabe’s 52nd birthday today

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According to Morgan Tsvangirai, the grand opposition coalition will be in place within the next eight days. The MDC-T leader was actually serious when he spoke about the July 31 deadline. On the other hand, Didymus Mutasa remains stubborn and arrogant, but then poverty is teaching him a few lessons on humility. But to be honest, Didymus is much better than many in Zanu-PF who are faking it.

It’s no longer news that the coalition deal is dead.

All that is happening now is reckless bravado talk which will take opposition politics nowhere. It’s really sad because Zanu-PF needs some kicking now and then to keep it on its toes.

And who has killed the coalition deal — it’s none other than Morgan. After all these years in the opposition trenches, Morgan hasn’t learnt a thing.

A few weeks ago, Morgan just woke up announcing that the deadline for the talks is the end of this month.

According to Morgan, the coalition pact should be sealed in the next eight days. Yes, eight days!

Indeed, Save is not well. Zvaramba zvakangovadaro. Not surprisingly, last Monday, the Daily News “without fear or favour” decided to be honest by asking a frank question: “Is Tsvangirai fit to fun for presidency?” Bishop Lazarus won’t answer this one, but mese Save murikungovaona. His trips to South Africa for medical check-ups have become just too frequent in recent weeks.

Reports were even awash in the social media that doctors in South Africa had told Morgan that he has six months to live. Yes, six months? That’s really scary, but then as we all know, God is both the author and sustainer of life according to Acts 17 vs 25-28 and 1 Timothy 6 vs 13. Morgan should not worry too much about the six months. Kutaura kwevanhu vepano pasi.

For those not in the know, Morgan was diagnosed with cancer of the colon sometime in June last year and since then he has been receiving treatment in South Africa.

I wish Morgan a speedy recovery. We need Morgan because whether we like him or hate him, he changed opposition politics in the country.

He brought some vibe to opposition politics.

But with all his experience in opposition politics, Morgan was dead wrong to tell us that by the end of this month, the grand coalition would be in place.

No wonder why Joice seized the opportunity to get some political mileage. “What I am saying is that July 31 is not a practical date . . . Unfortunately, there are some people who have a big brother attitude . . . This mentality that only I can do this is wrong; let us self-introspect and agree on a leader who is acceptable to everyone,” charged Joice.

A few days earlier, the future MDC-T leader Nelson Chamisa had said things that must have gotten into the nerves of Joice. Said Chamisa: “Vanhu vese vanoziva munhu anga achivhima nguva yose . . . ” Can someone press the pause button?

Yes, shuwa,shuwa we know anga achivhima nguva yose, but shuwa, shuwa nguva yose munhu achingovhima pasina chabatwa. Imbwa dzake dzatoneta. Saka tongomusiya achivhima kusvika madhongi amera nyanga? Umm, nzwiraiwo imbwa dzake tsitsi. Please don’t accuse me of insulting anyone. Chamisa ndiye akataura zvekuvhima and kwedu tovhima nembwa.

Chamisa continued his statement saying “ . . . iwe woona mhuka yakabatwa gumbo wotora banga wocheka musoro, ndeyako?” Well, as it turns out, hapana kana mhuka yabatwa gumbo. Chamisa was just trying to tell Joice kuti chinhu ndechedu ichi. Obviously, Joice felt undermined and she decided to hit back.

Zapu president Dumiso Dabengwa joined the fray and fired a salvo at Morgan.

“There are certain areas that they say are not negotiable, for instance the name of the coalition will not be negotiated. It will be MDC-T. And the other hint we received is that the leader of the coalition is also not negotiable because the leader is already there,” said a clearly dejected Dabengwa.

Well, according to the veteran opposition leader in eight days, the grand coalition will be in place. Majokosi chaiwo. Yaramba grand coalition, vakutamba zvavo vana Morgan. Let’s leave them to enjoy.

Didymus Mutasa will tell you there is nothing to enjoy these days.

Things are just not well, but mudhara Dhidhi is trying to put up a brave face. Munyu wapera kumba and so Didymus wants some assistance from President Mugabe but these are “pengaudzoke” times and so Dhidhi is beating about the bushes kurasisa vavengi.

He says he wants a “sorry” from Zanu-PF and he wants the Zanu-PF secretary for administration to first write him a letter explaining why he was expelled from the party in the first place. Kikikiki! Kikikiki!

It’s like a beggar coming to your house and say “can I have a piece of bread I am starving?” Just as you are about to hand him the piece of bread, the beggar demands that you should first say sorry to him and then explain to him why he is living in the streets.

Of course, Timothy 5 vs 1 says; “Never speak harshly to an older man, but appeal to him respectfully as you would to your own father,” but Didymus ngaatikwanire. Ahh, nhai!

Presidential spokesperson, Cde George Charamba put it aptly when he said: “It is not the President who is in the papers asking for an audience navaMutasa, it is Mutasa who has sent an SOS.”

Didymus should know this is about feeding his young wife and family. He should know this is about that $70 000 electricity bill. He should know this is about survival. Usafurirwe zvakare mudhara Dhidhi. Swallow the little pride. Humble yourself. It’s never too late navaMugabe.

But dear congregants we should bear with Didymus and even try to understand the little games he is playing. It’s not easy for such an old man to climb down from the tree of shame. All the pomposity is gone. All the pride is gone. Kune zviororo two in this world — Zanu-PF nenhamo. Munhu anoita straight kunge ruler.

From a distance, Didymus saw lots of green grass and thought this was it.

Without giving it much thought, he packed his bags and did things that left many holding their noses tight. It was that bad.

Didymus crossed over to the green grass and to his horror, he discovered that the grass was all green because it was in the middle of a sewage. In no time, Didymus discovered that he was fast sinking into the sewage. Saka moda murume mukuru adii?

Surely, you can’t expect Didymus to just wake up and say “sorry Gushungo, ndakafurirwa naRugare Gumbo. I want to come back to Zanu-PF. Ndinzwireiwo tsitsi baba.”

No, you can’t expect that? This is Didymus that stubborn and arrogant former Intelligence minister. Give him time. He will come around, because he knows that Proverbs 29 vs 23 says: “A person’s pride will humble him, but a humble spirit will gain honour.”

By the way, now it’s Didymus but soon pachaita mudungwe as the prodigal sons and daughters troop back home. I repeat it for the umpteenth time, no one leaves Zanu-PF. This includes Joice. Just look at her and listen to what she is saying these days —it’s all Zanu-PF talk. She is just waiting for what she thinks is the right time.

Let’s pretend as if we are looking the other side. Let’s pretend as if we are being troubled by the factionalists in Zanu-PF. Let’s pretend as if we are being troubled by the circus in the Politburo. Let’s pretend as if we are being distracted by the Saviour Kasukuwere issue.

Let’s pretend as if our minds are busy elsewhere. From the blues you will hear mudhara Dhidhi pfeeee, back in Zanu-PF. He will sing “vaMugabe chete chete!” It’s only a matter of time.

Bishop Lazarus has a short message to Didymus. They say; “Making mistakes is better than faking perfections.” Don’t be ashamed of coming back home. There are so many who are faking it in Zanu-PF. Mutori nani mudhara.

Bishop is out!

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COMRADE John Munodawafa Gwitira whose Chimurenga name was Cde Kenneth Gwindingwi (KG in short) was born at Nyanyadzi Clinic on 17 October 1949. He went Nyanyadzi Primary School up to Standard 4 proceeding to Mutambara Mission for Standard 5 and 6. He then went to Mt Selinda to do Form 1 and 2. While in form 2 in 1964, his father was arrested and put under restriction at Hwahwa Prison where the young John got his first political orientation during visits to see his father.

After causing political havoc at Chikore Secondary School and at Chibhero Agricultural Training College, Cde Gwindingwi was expelled and he decided to join the liberation struggle in 1970. During training at Mgagao in Tanzania, he was promoted to become a detachment commander. He also became a member of General Staff. On deployment, he became the first provincial commander for Chaminuka Sector while Cde Rex Nhongo was commander for Nehanda Sector.

Without mincing his words, Cde Gwindingwi tells our team comprising Munyaradzi Huni and Tendai Manzvanzvike that “hondo tairova kwete mbichana.” He earned himself the nickname “Cde KG” and so this is Commander KG speaking. Read on …

SM: Tell us briefly about your background before you joined the liberation struggle?

Cde Gwindingwi: During the early 1960s, my father was already involved in politics under Zanu and by this time, I was a Zanu youth. I remember there was conflict between Zanu and Zapu during these days. At Mt Selinda, it was predominantly Zanu because this is where Ndabaningi Sithole used to stay. We were with people like Arthur Maramba, who later commandeered the famous Chinhoyi 7 Group. Arthur was however older than me and he was into carpentry. So we used to go to Hwahwa to see our father, the whole family. We would also meet other families from Nyanyadzi whose parents were also at Hwahwa. I remember the Mutezo family, Gwinya family, Nkomo family, Mugidho family, Dhliwayo family and others. So there were many families that came from Nyanyadzi to Hwahwa.

SM: Why were so many people from Nyanyadzi in prison?

Cde Gwindingwi: What caused the arrest of so many people was the attack of Upholster in Chimanimani by the Ndangana Group. That group was carried to Chimanimani nababamunini vangu, Solomon Gwitira. They actually used my father’s vehicle to go and drop these comrades.

SM: Who are some of the comrades who were in this group?

Cde Gwindingwi: I don’t think I can remember all of them but I know there was Ndangana, Dhlamini, Mlambo, Master and Sipho. Sipho is still alive. This group was later called the Crocodile Gang. If you want to know more about how this group operated, one of the comrades from that group, Sipho is still alive. I think he is in Chinhoyi. If you ask Cde Marashwa in Chinhoyi, they will direct you to him. Sipho was physically there. Although I was young, I knew about this group because my father was actively involved in politics. He was chairman of Zanu in Manicaland at that time. That is why he was arrested and put under restriction. So we grew up in that politically charged environment.

After the attack by the Crocodile Gang, mabhunu akawuya kuNyanyadzi and they caused serious havoc. They arrested Mutezo, babamunini Solomon and others. These comrades were saved by Cde Herbert Chitepo who was a barrister by that time. He would go around defending black politicians whenever they were arrested. Mabhunu akaita kunge vari kutora mhuka. From Nyanyadzi to Changadzi river, vakanga vari vanhu vakokorodzwa nemabhunu. They thought they could arrest some members of the Crocodile Gang. Dhlamini and Mlambo had crossed into Mozambique. They were arrested when they came back into Rhodesia thinking that the Smith regime could not identify them. They are the ones who were later executed. Ndangana sneaked and escaped to Malawi. At that time there was Kamuzu Banda as President in Malawi and he used to support Zanu a lot. That’s how Ndangana escaped to Malawi. He later went to Zambia where he was taken together with other comrades that include Cde Joseph Khumalo and went for military training in Ghana. They became the first group to receive military training under Zanu.

SM: So when did you finally decide to join the liberation struggle yourself?

Cde Gwindingwi: I went to Chikore Secondary School. It’s a sister school to Mt Selinda which only had Form one and two. So I went to Chikore to do my Form three and four. I was put in class 3A because ndairova chikoro kwete mbichana. At Chikore, Zapu was dominating but we went on a campaign to recruit people to Zanu. During this time, there were sharp differences between Zapu and Zanu but we managed to convince many people to join Zanu. Zanu was more dynamic. It was more revolutionary. Ndabaningi Sithole was really firebrand at that time.

SM: But we are told that during this time, Zanu was being accused of being too elitist?

Cde Gwindingwi: Yeah, that’s true there were those accusations but those were just perceptions. Zanu was more militant and this excited many people.

SM: You were at school yet it seems you were focusing too much on politics?

Cde Gwindingwi: Life was not that simple. You see mabhunu anga aine cruelty yakashata stereki. You know on our way to Chikore coming from home, we would pass through one farm owned by some white farmer called Rice. He could stop our bus anytime and harass us, taking our belongings. There was a rule that no one was allowed to cross his farm on foot. If you did, waichiona naRice. Aiva nemazibhiza nemazimbwa akakura. Waitobatwa chete. Wairohwa kwete zvekutambiswaba. There was a lot of cruelty all over.

From that time, there were many people from Nyanyadzi who were thrown into mass graves that were identified a few years ago. Nyanyadzi Police camp was a centre of cruelty. Paiva nemajoni aipenga kwete mbichana. I remember paiva nemurungu ainzi Juden. Ummm, that man was cruel. I can’t even describe his cruelty. He was terribly cruel. At one time he came to our homestead. My father was fixing our ceiling. He shouted; “Samson, come down!” My father asked him; “What do you want?” My father had gone to school so he could speak English. Juden then said; “I don’t care about you. Why are you talking my language? I said come down!” My father came down the ladder. As he got to the ground, he was clapped. “What the hell do you think you are doing?” my father asked in anger. Inini naJoshua takanga tatotora matombo kuda kumutema.

There was no reason for him to beat my father, but he thought he could get away with it. He discovered that we were serious about attacking him and he left. We had received political orientation since the days when our father was at Hwahwa. You know when my father was at Hwahwa, that’s when I got to know President Mugabe. My father was a restrictee at Hwahwa while President Mugabe was a detainee. Those under restriction were a bit free than those who were under detention. Up to now when President Mugabe sees me he says “John is that you?” The next time I met him was in Maputo. He was surprised to see me in Maputo.

So back to Chikore. While at Chikore, I was then expelled from school in 1966 when I was in Form Four.

SM: Why were you expelled from school?

Cde Gwindingwi: Musikanzwa chaiyo yekutukana nemateacher. I could see that some of the teachers, white teachers, were sellouts. There was one missionary called Markham, uumm, that man was terrible. Akanga akandimarker because of politics. Kungondiona, “wakadhakwa iwe.” I would say “no handina kudhakwa.” He would say, “mira negumbo rimwe tione.” He would then rush to the principal to report me. That’s how I was expelled. I started corresponding O-Level from home. January 1967 that’s when I wrote my O level examinations and passed. I then applied to go to Chibhero Agricultural College because I wanted to be a land development officer which was the highest position for a black person at that time.

So I went to Chibhero for the interview in 1968 and passed. I went with a number of comrades including Benjamin Madondo, he is in Mutare now. There was also Flavian Charumbira and others. While at Chibheero I continued my involvement in politics. Taigara takamutsana nemabhunu because apa pakanga pane mabhunu akawanda. My rage and hatred of these mabhunu continued growing because they continued their cruelty.

During my second year around 1969 to 1970, I was expelled again from Chibhero. I remember Robbie Mupawose was the first black lecturer at Chibhero. When I was expelled he cried but I told him not to worry because I had made my mind to join the liberation struggle. I told Robbie that I was going to join the liberation struggle. I said enough was enough. And mabhunu akanga ava kuziva kuti this one hot head. I was expelled together with Joel Ngorima and Thembinkosi Khumalo who was Zapu. I told these comrades that I was going to join the liberation struggle.

I first went back to Nyanyadzi. Very few people knew that I had been expelled from Chibhero. So a day before the opening of the next term, I think it was the last day of September 1970, I left. I just took my small bag with a few belongings and left. I crossed Nyanyadzi river and waited for a truck that took me to Mutare. I got into a train to Salisbury. I then went to Cold Comfort where I was given lots of newspapers because I was told that comrades outside the country vaida kuverenga news from home so that they could understand what the Smith regime was up to. The following day, I got into a train to Bulawayo. From Bulawayo I went to Tekwani to see my brother Joshua. Ndiko kwaaidzidza. I had written a letter asking him to survey the route I could use from Tekwani to Francistown in Botswana. They had done that and I crossed into Botswana. I got to Francistown and saw Thomas Deka. I had been given all the directions and contacts while in Salisbury. I gave Deka the newspapers I had got at Cold Comfort. This is where I was given the name Kenneth Gwindingwi. That day the name John Gwitira died. All my school certificated varnished ipapo. I had to reclaim my certificates after independence. So from this time ndakabva ndatoita gandanga straight.

SM: So after becoming this gandanga what happened next?

Cde Gwindingwi: Deka then told me that Cde Phibian Shonhiwa was coming to take me the next day. When Shonhiwa came, I immediately remembered him from the days we would go to Hwahwa. He then said to me “eeh, eeh, iwe mupfana zvekuda kuziva vanhu siyana nazvo.” Of course we later spoke and I told him that I wanted to go for military training. The system in Botswana at that time was that the safest place to be kept was in prison. By this time, Botswana didn’t have an army or police and so mabhunu from Rhodesia would cross into Botswana patrolling willy-nilly. So it was very dangerous moving around in Francistown. Many of our comrades were actually kidnapped in Francistown, driven towards the Rhodesian border and killed.

So Shonhiwa took me to one of the prisons in Francistown. While in this prison, I discovered that the majority of the people there were from Zapu and Frelimo. After about a week, Shonhiwa came and took me. He told me that he had bought me a ticket to fly to Lusaka. So I flew to Lusaka and formally joined the liberation struggle.

SM: Who are some of the comrades you met in Lusaka?

Cde Gwindingwi: I met Cde Chihota and Cde Mutambanengwi. They were waiting for me at the airport. They took me to Chitepo’s house. On arrival I was interrogated why I wanted to join the struggle and so on. Later I was transferred to Tongogara’s house. After three months, we were taken to Tanzania where we got our military training. This was in 1970. We were first taken to Intumbi. I remember I was with some comrades including Abel Sibanda, Themba and many others. Cde Tongo later came. Cde Chigohwe was in charge of security and when he heard that I was coming from Chibheero College, he said regai ndimbonyatso vheta mupfana uyu. He could not understand how one could leave Chibhero College to join the liberation struggle. He was always saying “kuhondo ndekwevanhu vasina kufunda.” I almost got messed up here but my visits to Hwahwa saved me because I knew quite a number of comrades from that time. I told Chigohwe my history and later he understood. I remember I also met Cde Godfrey Savanhu. During this time, there were very few recruits.

I was shocked when I arrived at Intumbi. You see I was expecting to see properly dressed soldiers takasviko pihwa makhakhi. I said what is this? Cde Tongo had already returned to Lusaka. I couldn’t understand what was going on. Intumbi was a former German mine which had been abandoned in 1947. So the buildings where dilapidated. I was given two uniforms and the first training was to make us run seven kilometres to and from. During the first days, ndakamborwadziwa. Ndakasvuuka kwete mbichana. Some of our instructors were Chinese.

SM: What was the main role of these Chinese instructors?

Cde Gwindingwi: They taught us political orientation. They believed that you should not hold the gun before you know what you are going to use it for. So they would pump into our heads all the teachings by Mao. This was a complete transformation. We were asked to talk about our grievances and later we were taught how to overcome these grievances. We were told that the only way was to fight the war and that we were our own liberators. We were taught how the Chinese fought their war.

SM: What are some of the lessons you learnt that you still remember?

Cde Gwindingwi: We were taught that this was a people’s war. This was a war for the people and not for us. Maybe that’s when after independence genuine war veterans never thought of grabbing power. We understood that this was a people’s war. We were fighting for the people. There was a very popular quote which said; “People and the people alone are the makers of history.” So after independence we were not surprised at all. We said, “ndivo vanhu vacho ava, ngavachivhota.” That’s why in 1980, many war veterans went and campaigned for other people, because people are the makers of history. It’s unfortunate that some in the political leadership, were hypocrites, they then told povho that vanhu ava vakatopedza basa ravo rekurwira nyika. They said they can’t rule because havana kufunda. During the 1980s, it was a big struggle for many war veterans to get into government and party structures because the people had been told that we could not rule because takanga tisina kufunda. It was as if takanga tine kasmell kataiva nako. But this was the aftermath of the war. Let’s go back to the war.

SM: Yes, indeed let’s go back to your journey. You will have the opportunity to speak about the aftermath later.

Cde Gwindingwi: So after political orientation, that’s when we were allowed to carry a gun. We were taught how to dismantle and assemble different types of guns. We were required to know different guns the way we know our fingers. We were taught to dismantle and assemble the guns takatsinzinya.

We were told that during war, your dearest and nearest companion was the gun. So you must respect your gun. Your maximum defence is your gun. You have to know kuti pfuti is next to your God. You should never lose your gun. Never, never, ever. The more you know your gun, the more chances you have to win the war. Later we were taught how to shoot to kill. From Intumbi we later went to Mgagao. While at Mgagao at a later stage that’s when we were trained to be instructors. Very few of us. We were trained to be commanders of the war. I was very lucky to be a commander from the word go. Vana comrade Bethune I was their commander. Cde Joseph Khumalo had gone to war earlier but when I went to the front, I became his commander. The training at Mgagao was to perfect us. To know how to shot to kill moving objects. How to cross flooded rivers and many obstacles. We were about 28 during this training. Others joined us at Mgagao and when I left I left alone. I was now a member of the General Staff and I was already a detachment commander. We arrived at Mgagao in 1971 and I left the camp around the end of that year.

SM: Who are some of the comrades you trained with?

Cde Gwindingwi: I can’t remember all the comrades, but I remember there was Cde Dzino, Kenny Ridzai who I later operated with at the war front for a long time and others. After training, ndakunzwa kuti ndaibva, I was ready for war. I was ready for bush life. That’s why when we were deployed in Mt Darwin during the early days, many people thought taiva nemushonga wekunyangarika. Taiva tisina mushonga but we were just following war tactics we had been taught. The hit and run concept. Whereas the Smith forces were used to regular warfare of marching towards the enemy. During those early days taifamba tiri about three, or four or five only. Like I told you, Kenny Ridzai was my assistant for about two and half year kufront.

SM: You said from Mgagao you were already a member of General Staff. How were you promoted?

Cde Gwindingwi: My performance during training. I was enjoying my training and even ndaenda kuhondo kwacho, tairova hondo kwete mbichana. You see mabhunu were ready for us and so we had to be very ready for them. The good thing with Rhodesian soldiers were that they would sort of announce that they were coming. They did this to instil fear, but because this was a people’s war povho would have told us already that mabhunu are gathering kwakati. We could not do without povho, especially vana mujibha nanachimbwido. That’s why today if I met some who were vana mujibha vangu, it hurts me kuti hapana kana zvavakazomboitirwawo. Those comrades worked. I would actually say they worked more than me and you know why? They didn’t have a gun to repulse. I had a gun and had receive military training so I could easily repulse the enemy by firing but vanamujiba didn’t have all this. So I can say they were more brave than me if you look at it closely. Inini I could not be captured by anyone. The best they could do was to shoot me, but never capture me. I could protect myself but not vanamujibha.

The other tactic was when someone fires at you, by the time you get on the ground to take cover you must have fired back kwazvabva. The idea was to put fear into whoever would have fired the gun. Put fear into your enemy and he will run. When he is running, he becomes easy target. I could use all guns from the AK 47 up to a bazooka. Look, I am not bragging but hondo ndairova that’s why povho and fellow comrades ended up calling me KG. That was my brand name.

When I left Mgagao, there were some comrades who were at Dhodhoma which was a transit camp. There were Cdes Joseph Khumalo, Jimmy Mangwende, Vhuu and others. Some of the comrades I found here and came from Zapu because there were some problems there. Some of the comrades who were originally in Zapu include Cde David Tondlana, Rex Nhongo, Thomas Nhari, Dhunanga and John Walker. When these comrades came to Zanu, many politicians didn’t trust them but when we went to the war front, we discovered that indeed these comrades were now part of us. When we were deployed to the war front, I was part of the famous Group of 45. Cde Bethune and Cde Khumalo were part of this group together with Cde Jimmy Mangwende and others. Before we crossed into Rhodesia, the Portuguesse in Mozambique, Smith forces and whites in South Africa formed a tripartite army to stop us from crossing into Rhodesia. The idea was to restrict us in Mozambique which was the route we used to cross into Rhodesia from Zambia. Ummm, hondo yakabaka. Pfuti kutsvuka nekurira.

Our biggest challenge was crossing Zambezi River. My first time to cross Zambezi was around April-May 1972. The river was full. Mozambicans living along Zambezi would assist us to cross tiri muzvimwadiya and up to this day I salute those villagers. They played a very important part of the struggle. Zambezi was scary. Even ini chaiye I was afraid of Zambezi. You know when I crossed Zambezi into Rhodesia, ndakarambira kufront because ndaitya to cross Zambezi going back to the rear. I was now a commander so ndaingotuma vanhu kuti endai munotora zvombo. I preferred facing mabhunu than crossing Zambezi River. I could fight mabhunu but mumvura you are almost defenceless. The Mozambican villagers would not allow you to shoot at the hippos even if they were advancing towards you. It was a taboo to shoot at the hippos. So I stayed at the war front.

After crossing Zambezi, we had to walk to Mukumbura for about three days. There was no water all this way. I tell you macomrades akawanda akaperera ipapa. That area is very hot, kuita kubaka chaiko. Many died of malaria because taigara nemamosquito acho makuru.

SM: When you crossed Zambezi River going to Mukumbura, what was your rank?

Cde Gwindingwi: I was now a deputy provincial commissar for MMZ (Malawi, Mozambique, Zimbabwe) province. My commander was Cde Rauya who later died near Mukumbura River. He died before we even started the war in earnest. I then became the provincial political commissar. There were many comrades operating under me. At some point, we took a decision together with Rex Nhongo to divide the comrades so that each commander would have fewer people under him. Our first task was to recruit many people so that they could join the struggle because takanga tiri vashoma too much during these early days.

When we divided these comrades, we deployed some comrades kuNehanda Sector led by Rex Nhongo while others vakaenda kuChaminuka and I was commanding them. On the way, we were recruiting some people who were not trained who joined us. We trained them along the way. Mt Darwin must be respected in terms of supporting this country’s liberation struggle.

SM: How did you train these comrades at the war front?

Cde Gwindingwi: Umm, kwaiva netuvanhu twakangwarisa kuDarwin. Vakomana vekuDarwin, uumm, vanga vakaipa. I always say dai hondo yakatangire kuno Harare, dai takanzwa nevatengesi but Darwin, they really supported the war. I remember Cde Chinodakufa, ndakatozoita wekuti chibvai pano muende kutraining. He was our guide takanga tamupihwa nemhondoro. Mhondoro gave us all the courage and guidance to fight the war. Hapana kana musi one watakavhura Bible. Takapona ngekubeliever nekuseenza nemhondoro totally.

SM: When you went to Chaminuka sector, before you started the war, did you conduct any ritual?

Cde Gwindingwi: First was reconnaissance. Taipinda mupovho and address them. Mhondoro would give us the people to lead us. In every society there are people who were given the spiritual gift. So mhondoro would give us these people and these people ndivo vaiwombera kuvadzimu. Ipapo zveucommander tsvee pasi. All I would say was, “Cde Chinodakufa tava kuda kusimuka chiitai tinzwe.” We would gather, votora shisha ravo voisa fodya vowombera vachiti “tava kusimuka, kuenda kwamambo nhingi, chititungamirirei munzira.” Towombera tese rwendo rotanga. We had to have these spiritual guides. After this, I would take over as commander. “Handei vakomana, handei.” Up to this ndinongoterera hangu vanhu vachiti ngatinamate, ndinongoti ahh, ngatiitei but takararamiswa nemudzimu nguva yehondo.

SM: When you were commander of Chaminuka sector, who was your deputy?

Cde Gwindingwi: It was the late Josiah Tungamirai. Tusu takavhura Chaminuka sector. This was a very difficult task because there were many farms around this sector. Too many open spaces. Sometimes we would spend the whole day takarara pasi under cover. The Rhodesia forces would drive by close to where we were hiding. We could actually see them from our positions.

SM: Tell us exactly, how you started the war in Chaminuka Sector?

Cde Gwindingwi: The Rhodesian forces got wind that there were strangers roaming around the area. I told you these were farming areas and some people saw us. We would hold pungwes but during these days pakanga pasinganyanyo imbwa. It was more about political orientation. We would go to the Chiefs and announce our presence.

Next week, Cde Gwindingwi will continue his story narrating how they caused the Rhodesian forces sleepless nights. It sounds like a movie but this is real. Make sure you have your copy of The Sunday Mail next week.

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“Tell me what you eat and I will tell you what you are.”

So wrote Frenchman Anthelme Brillat-Savarin in his 1825 homage to the palate, “The Physiology of Taste”.

It was from that statement, some researchers say, that we get the modern phrase: “You are what you eat.”

So, what are we stuffing down our eager gullets?

An August 2010 analysis by Imara Asset Management said Zimbabweans gave Delta Beverages US$324 million — compared to the total of US$230 million Zambians gave to their two biggest brewers that year.

On top of that, Zimbabweans spent about US$1,1 billion dollars on fast foods sold by the Innscor behemoth, Colcom, National Foods and Spar.

US$1,1 billion worth of fast foods. Does anyone remember what the National Budget was in 2009? Was it not US$934 million or thereabouts?

More recent statistics on fast food consumption are hard to come by.

But there is anecdotal evidence pointing to Zimbabweans spending, at the very least, round about that much at present, or — which is more likely — far much more.

For starters, there are clearly more fast food joints in the country today than there were in 2009.

Every other street corner has someone selling US$1 burgers. (Even our growth points have these things and you have to ask yourself: inyama chaiyo chaiyo here?)

And then, as we report in The Sunday Mail Business, a firm called Planas says it recently bought machinery that will help it massively scale up the production of packaging for fast foods.

Planas says it invested well over US$1 million in the machinery, and that it bought the equipment specifically to produce 800 000 extended polystyrene boxes every month for Chicken Inn.

That is 800 000 boxes just for Chicken Inn every month. How many more are needed for countless other fast food outlets all around Zimbabwe?

Planas is in a fix, though. Their investment in new machinery came just before Government announced it was getting serious about Statutory Instrument 84 of 2012 as read with Section 140 of the Environmental Management Act (Chapter 20:27). This legal instrument bans use of kaylite for food packaging. The reasons?

Firstly, extended polystyrene is a major pollutant. The thing is largely non-biodegradable, meaning it has to be put in landfills or incinerated. Because it is light but quite bulky, it costs a tad too much to transport to landfills, and it generates more smoke than heat when incinerated so the environmental authorities don’t like it much.

Secondly, it does not take well to recycling. In short, once made and emptied of your “two-piecer”, the box is there until kingdom come, littering streets and acting like a pebble in the shoes of the Environmental Management Agency.

Thirdly, the nation has recently been made aware of scientific research linking kaylite used to package fast foods with some cancers.

So kaylite had to go. May its soul rest in peace. But fast food will not go anywhere, for better or for worse.

And you are what you eat.

Ask the 2015 Zimbabwe Demographic Health Survey, which contains the most recent national statistics on such matters. It will tell you that 35 percent of our ladies aged 15 to 49 are overweight. The figure for gents is 12 percent.

Most of these people are classified as financially stable, educated urbanites.

Evidently, the only exercise many of these folk get is bowing and praying to the neon god they have created.

They have become what they have been eating: unimaginative and laden with meaningless calories.

The same applies to the mind. It becomes what it consumes. Feed it crap and it becomes the lumbering fat kid that every other child laughs at on the playground, or the ponderous middle aged man with a midsection like the equator who wonders why the ladies never fell for him. Perhaps the same can be said, too, about a political system.

If we feed inanity, selfishness, indolence, self-indulgence or any other kind of vice that makes a politician his country’s own worst enemy, what do we expect to get out of the politics?

We have, as a nation, been feeding the political animal with meaningless calories. It is now bloated, unwieldy and ungainly, held down by people who have nothing to offer beyond corruption, factionalism, nepotism and disunity.

If we keep piling on these meaningless calories, no one should be surprised if the political animal suffers cardiac arrest and keels over lifeless. The ruling Zanu-PF, as we report elsewhere in this issue of The Sunday Mail, is shifting into election gear ahead of the 2018 polls.

Among other things, the organisational processes being embarked on across all party provinces will lead to primary elections. What kind of food will be fed to the political animal?

This week’s Cartoon

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Rtd Brig-Gen Asher Walter Tapfumaneyi
In March 2017, the Ministry of Welfare Services for War Veterans, War Collaborators, Ex-Political Detainees and Restrictees asked all categories of war veterans to air their grievances.

It was a 15-day exercise that saw veterans countrywide respond to questionnaires through the ministry’s provincial offices.

The initiative stemmed from the meeting between President Mugabe and the veterans on April 7, 2016.

One of the contentious issues to pop up was the displacement of war veterans from properties allocated to them under the Land Reform Programme.

Some Government and party officials and others with authority have tested their powers on war veterans, their guinea pigs.

Numerous land displacements have occurred, and the President addressed that issue at length, saying nobody should be removed from their allocated land unprocedurally.

He asked the ministry to compile a list of aggrieved war veterans and those requiring land but are yet to get it.

President Mugabe said, “Give me the list so that I task the Minister of Lands and Rural Resettlement to act accordingly.”

The land issue should be concluded before the next meeting with the President (around August/September).

The ministry has contracted some university students to help compile the record, which will assist the President’s decision-making.

The complaints are so many that the documentation involved is a nightmare! There is floor-to-ceiling paperwork, and the ministry is understaffed.

20 percent rule

Over 2 627 land applications have been received from war veterans, war collaborators, ex-detainees and widows of veterans.

On the other hand, 106 war veterans, 26 war collaborators and six widows have been arbitrarily displaced from their pieces of land.

Before taking names to the President, the matter has to be discussed with the Lands and Rural Resettlement Ministry.

Only points of disagreement will then be taken to the President.

So, basically, the comrades’ grievances are known and the War Veterans Ministry is doing something about it.

Corruption is also common in cases where war veterans are disadvantaged because some people are bribing lands officials to get properties.

It is an emotive issue.

From a moral standpoint, anyone who takes land from a war veteran is evil. I think the devil lives next door to such a person.

People should understand that there is a policy which stipulates that 20 percent of every piece of land acquired by Government for redistribution is reserved for war veterans.

That policy has been in place since 2006. It is an operating policy that has been thrashed out over time.

However, the good intentions of that policy have been more or less cast out of the window.

Government is now realigning the War Veterans Act and the Ex-detainees Act with the Constitution and ensuring the 20 percent land quota becomes enforceable.

Meeting the President

The War Veterans Ministry will soon convene its first preparatory engagement for the said meeting with President Mugabe.

zanu-pf Politburo members — Cdes Ignatius Chombo (Administration), Kembo Mohadi (Security) and Sydney Sekeramayi (War Veterans), and officials from the Office of the President will attend the preparatory meeting.

An ad-hoc committee has been appointed to review last year’s resolutions and gauge their implementation by Government and party.

The committee is chaired by Major-General (Retired) Richard Ruwodo, the Principal Director in the War Veterans Ministry and incorporates officials from other relevant ministries, the security sector, OPC and zanu-pf.

This committee has 10 days to carry out preparatory work and design the plan for the meeting with the President.

The meeting’s structure will be considered and thematic committees reviewed.

We are concerned that most resolutions from last year’s meeting have not been implemented; so that will be the starting point in our planning.

The ministry has an open-door policy and an arm’s length relationship with all war veterans associations.

It represents every veteran, with the overarching mandate to organise and unify war veterans.

The ministry only takes issue when associations are divided.

It is important to note that the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans Association’s membership accounts for only 23 percent of all veterans combined.

In that regard, the ministry does not deal with associations, but directly with war veterans.

Brigadier-General (Retired) Asher Walter Tapfumaneyi is the Secretary for Welfare Services for War Veterans, War Collaborators, Ex-Political Detainees and Restrictees. He shared these views with The Sunday Mail’s Chief Reporter Kuda Bwititi in Harare last week.

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SHE kept the decomposing bodies of her husband and son in separate huts at her homestead in Mhondoro for almost three months, but she insists her family was just exercising its right to freedom of belief.

Judith Maruza, of Melusi Village under Chief Mashayamombe, came under fire after videos and pictures of the remains, which were in various stages of decomposition, went viral on social media a couple of weeks ago. The remains of the bodies have since been buried.

However, reports are that the body of the husband, Muzozo Phiri, who died on July 7, was at an advanced stage of decomposition. Skeletal remains of Phiri’s son, James, that had been kept in one of the huts for three months were also discovered by curious villagers.

The matter came to light after fellow villagers barged into the huts following the unbearable stench which was coming from Muzozo’s hut. As such, villagers are now accusing Judith Maruza of witchcraft and are demanding that she and her family be banished from the area.

However, Maruza, who is a member of the Johane Masowe yeChishanu sect, denies witchcraft saying she was following a prophecy which had been made by her son.

“It is my late son James who said if he or his father die, we should not mourn or bury them as he was going to rise and resurrect his father too,” Maruza told The Sunday Mail last week.

“James told us that a number of prophets had told him that he had strong healing powers but had to die first for the prophecy to be fulfilled. As something which he strongly believed, we were powerless to disobey his demands so we just left him in his room after he died.

“We did the same with his father, not because I am a witch but because I was following a prophecy.”

Maruza says she had to move in with her seven daughters and grandchildren in the remaining hut after her husband died.

She adds that not only was she misled by her son not to bury the dead but she was also told to force her family to fast until the “day of resurrection.”

“James said we had to fast, and since he died we have been doing so, only surviving on porridge here and there.

“It was really difficult for the children as you can see they have lost weight.

“It was hard living with the dead, the stench and the mere fact of knowing that there are dead people in there. I’m glad that it is over now because it was a difficult period.”

Maruza’s other son Tichaona said there was nothing wrong with their church but admitted that the family was now paying the price for James’ extreme beliefs.

“I wish I had known then that this is what James was planning. He chased me away from home saying I should never set foot at the compound again as I was disturbing his prayers,” he said.

“So for the sake of peace I moved away and only came back after the discovery of the remains. I was still staying in this village but I never knew this is what was happening here. But we are talking with the leaders and we will accept any punishment.”

Some of the villagers said the community was now living in fear while others demanded that the family be banished.

“They never leave their compound and of late they had been conducting their church services as a family at their homestead,” said one of the villagers who identified himself as Bhamu.

“They are really strange people, but I would not say she is a witch, it is the dead son who was a problem.

“He called himself a high prophet and everything he said there was final, so the family was just following on a prophecy.”

Chief Mashayamombe expressed shock at the incident but said the family now needs counselling and help as they were living in extreme poverty.

“What happened really shocked us because in our culture its taboo to live with the dead,” he said.

“But we do not want to be hard on them because in my assessment they are people who were misled by their late son. We are still looking at how best we can resolve the issue but in the meantime they need counselling and assistance because they are living in abject poverty.

“Some are saying we should do rituals to cleanse the area, some are suggesting prayers and some are demanding that they be expelled but we have not reached any decision yet.”

Headman Mark Murombedzi echoed Chief Mashayamombe’s observations as he is of the view that the family must be helped instead of being ridiculed.

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Where you sit determines what and who you see.

Sight and insight, vision and envisioning change everything. Who you see determines who sees you. If you are blind to what matters, you will not matter much. Be deliberate and focused. Know and do what matters in your sphere of concern and field of vision.

You are not rehearsing life so live in such a way that you make your every breath count. You are a child of the Universe, with full rights of sonship and called to be among the great. Live like you belong here and matter.

There is a big plan about your life and you were not just an excuse for sexual fantasies. Your place is too important for you to count your own miseries, excuses and maladies as valid reasons for hiding your gifts.

You are not too small to make a difference and your simple actions of love and determination are significant. Step up and come forward, the bold claim their space and are willing to dare great things.

Make whatever you do count, regardless of how small it may look to others. You have a right to be here and you are passing this way but once. You might as well make the most of it while you are here.

You have likely been to a special event where you took the back and awkward seat. Obstructed and uncomfortable, you might have struggled to follow the proceedings. You are not stuck, so make quality choices.

Why stick to an uncomfortable place? You are not glued to your situation and soldered to your miseries.

Where you are may not be as bad as you see, because at any time there are multiple realities. The most important reality being the one that your mind lives in. You are not marooned in life.

Choosing clueless living is a clueless choice.

At any day and point you can make the changes that you must. It is time to change and take a different direction and trajectory. Look at life differently with fresh eyes of possibility and the smell of fresh promise.

Move from the back

Why remain in a cheese-less situation?

Move from the back row where you see nothing but the tail of things and move to the front row. Refuse to be left behind, wondering what is happening and how it is happening.

The posture you adopt in life is important. Choose to be a mover and shaker.

The choices you make determine what you do. You are not a victim, blind to possibilities and the larger picture. Move from toxic attitudes, incessant complaining and living like you are lost. Move from the back and take your stand among the great.

It’s your attitude that counts and the thoughts that you choose. Choices start in the mind. Whatever you do, do not choose to think powerless thoughts and have a victim mentality.

Ask for the script

Whatever you see happening on stage is based on the script. To change the stage scenes, ask for the script and change it.

To change your life, just ask what script you have been following and who scripted you.

Do not allow past hurts to be your script. Do not allow limitations to be your script. Do not allow what is not important to take centre stage in your thinking and your life.

The script that you are following determine the results that you get.

Until change happens in your life, belief systems and your script, you make keep grazing in the same place and wondering what is happening to rich pasture.

Keep looking deep within at the thoughts that have dominated your life because those thoughts have shaped your actions. Change your script to change your life.

How will you live?

The subject of death is not a favourite dinner topic. For most people it is a morbid subject, better left unspoken.

Yet, for anyone alive, the next and certain step will be dying. Your business between this moment and then is to make a lot of living.

Choose to be fully alive until you expire. Aspire to inspire before you expire. If you have never inspired anyone and you are on your death bed, choose to make your last words inspiring and bold.

The Bible talks of two people with the name Saul. One in the Old Testament and the other in the New Testament.

At his point of death, Saul Kish said, “I have played the fool.” That is not a good way to die. Living a lie and dying like a fool is careless living.

Saul Tarsus said, “I have run may race and now there is a shining crown waiting for me.” That is different.

How you live determines likely how you will die. Choose the right dead man’s shoes to wear.

If you wear Saul Kish’s shoes, you will die in regret and embarrassed battles. Refuse to fight battles without rewards and expend energy on what does not matter.

Like him, never subordinate corporate resources to futile battles. Live in such a way that you will die with a smile wishing you had nine lives.

There are battles to fight and others that are not to be fought. There are races to run and others to just not sign up for. That is not a weakness, it is knowing where to expend energy and concentration.

When you die, try and do it in style.

Die busy and planning to do big things. Live with eternity in mind and greatness in sight. Die talking about bigger and better things than what you have done in the past.

Where you are buried should never matter much, what matters should be what gets buried with you.

Die empty, having lived your best and mined all your potential. Die in such a way that you will have ceaseless stories to with your Maker.

Eternity is a long time, you need to do a lot now to contemplate living through it.

Die with pictures of possibilities and dreams beyond your grasp. Die thinking big, that generations unborn will want to carry forward your dreams. Die living in such a way that you inspire others to live also. Die with a story that is worth telling and writing about.

We are all motivational speakers!

Others heap up so many empty words that you cannot hear what they are saying or the trumpet they are blowing. Others live in such a way that their lives speak loud, clear and compelling messages.

Preserved, ignored and uncelebrated — that description will soon no longer apply to you.

It will be sad to find out at the end of your life that you never lived because you were too scared to step up and take challenges of living head on. This is not a dress rehearsal, it is life. Come to the front lines and choose to be fully alive.

Committed to your greatness.

Milton Kamwendo is a leading international transformational and motivational speaker, author and coach. He is a cutting strategy, innovation, team-building and leadership facilitator. His life purpose is to inspire greatness. Feedback: mkamwendo@gmail.com, Twitter @MiltonKamwendo and WhatsApp +263772422634.

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Teddie Bepete
In celebrating the heroic deeds of sons and daughters of this country who pledged their lives towards our liberation, we should bear in mind that the struggle against colonialism was deeply imbued with our cultural and religious beliefs.

It was the spirit mediums, who in 1896 urged the people to take up arms against the coloniser.

They justified the struggle, proclaiming that the natural disasters that struck the land during that period were a result of the wrath of the ancestors who could not countenance the establishment of colonialism.

From this period, the settlers realised the influence and power of African Traditional Religion (ATR) in the political affairs of the land.

The colonisers, from the historical experiences in their own country, also knew about the utility of religion in the life of a people.

A civilisation cannot evolve without a culture and a religion to shape morals and aspirations.

Ancient Egypt introduced spectacular features of science and mathematics during the building of the pyramids, where they buried their kings.

The pyramids were a customary way of burial for Egyptian kings, which was part of their religion and culture.

Without a grasp of our religion and culture, we cannot progress. All such attempts will be anchored in vanity and infidelity can only lead to Sodom and Gomorrah.

The fact that we named our country after the religio-cultural scientific achievements of our ancestors is very important.

Though it was a political capital, Great Zimbabwe had immense religious significance.

The discovery of the enchanted carvings of the bateleur eagle at Great Zimbabwe Monument speaks to this.

The bateleur eagle (chapungu), sometimes called the Bird of God, was sacred from ancient times.

Now officially called the Zimbabwe Bird, the bateleur eagle was a significant feature of the liberation struggle.

Flying above the guerrillas, to warn or to the lead them, the eagle was important to our fighters.

There were times when it physically engaged the enemy on the battlefield.

Sekuru Mutsindikwa WaMasango, a spirit medium and war collaborator, reminisced that in one ferocious battle, he witnessed two bateleur eagles attacking the screen of a Rhodesian helicopter gunship, which, bewildered the pilot and helped our guerrillas.

Who then doubts that this is our God-given land?

Betraying our religion and its mediums is akin to betraying this “House of God”.

Why shouldn’t we accord our religion and its mediums due respect?

“You have forgotten where you came from. Respect the spirits of this land so that you embrace unity and peace,” the medium of the Spirit of Mkwati said in 2013.

“Spirit mediums are crying foul. They want the same respect accorded traditional leaders,” said Cde Evelyn Makwambeni, co-ordinator of the Zimbabwe Fallen Heroes Trust.

As the High Priest of God, I was in charge of installing the chiefs of this land. Zame (Mabweadziva) was the principal overseer of morality and integrity.

“And the white man came to defile everything of our culture that once stood for purity. But I warn you, the spirits of this land are yet to rise once again.

“History is going to repeat itself,” said the medium to this writer.

However, it should be understood that the spiritual scope of our freedom goes beyond Mkwati, Nehanda and Kaguvi.

The origins are as old as the beginning of people.

They are as deep as the tap root of our history. To uproot this is impossible and ignoring it is suicidal.

After the First Chimurenga, apart from ransacking the symbols of our being, the colonial administration put in place the Witchcraft Suppression Act in 1899 in an attempt to put the lid on traditional religious activities.

They even buried Cecil John Rhodes, a homosexual, in the heart of our nation, at Malindidzimu.

They sought to conquer our religion by defiling it with their ingrained unchastity. Rhodes’ burial at Malindidzimu at Mabweadziva was adding insult to injury.

Mabweadziva is the spiritual home of our great ancestor Murenga, whose voice resonates in the caves of Malindidzimu and from whose name the Chimurenga legacy is coined.

Religion and culture are the our lifeblood.

Our indigenous religion always promoted integrity, humility and unity; pillars without which a nation cannot stand.

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Her demure conceals the suffering she has endured for years. As she sits on bare ground, the scars on her arms stand out.

After a little probing, she also talks of the scars on her face. She speaks of her many years without hair. It is only in the past decade or so that she regained the pleasure of braiding hair, just like other women.

As she stares at the ground, lost in thought, one senses something troubling her soul. Years have passed — four decades.

The only reason why she is not shedding a tear is that — as they say — time heals.

She raises her head and relates her story.

Almost 80 years old, Mbuya Everina Raice Nhabuia has not known peace for much of her life time.

“Nothing compares to the Nyadzonia Massacre. I have never seen anything like that all my life,” she says, opening up on the wounds that have been troubling her soul since that 1976 morning.

“I have seen war all my life. First, Frelimo fighting the Portuguese, then Mugabe’s army fighting Smith, and when we thought everything was settled, then came Frelimo versus Renamo.

“This last one has been with us for a long time and we are now tired of the conflict.

“No one seems to be winning, so it is best they sit down and agree.”

But it is the Nyadzonia Massacre that always has her stomach in knots.

“It was an ordinary day, just like any other and everyone was doing their usual chores. No one imagined that the day would end like that for us; that we would lose many souls, innocent souls.

“Some were gardening; others doing laundry, bathing or preparing breakfast. Suddenly, the whistle blew. It was routine for everyone to gather at the assembly point once the whistle was blown.”

Married to a Frelimo soldier assigned to help Zanla forces in Mozambique, Mbuya Nhabuia often skipped assembly as the gatherings were mainly to update Zimbabwean refugees.

At times, the assemblies prepared cadres for training.

So, on this particular morning, Mbuya Nhabuia found no inclination to join others at the assembly point.

In any case, she reasoned that she was just a soldier’s wife living in harmony with her friends from Zimbabwe.

She continued with her chores, chatting to her “sisters from across the mountains”, Cdes Gloria and Veronica, who had also decided to skip assembly.

That decision was a Godsend.

“After the comrades had assembled and chanted slogans, we were shocked to hear gunshots break the silence. What followed turned out to be one of the worst atrocities I have ever seen. Wailing and screaming accompanied gunshots. Confusion reigned.

“We don’t know why, but ‘my sisters’ and I decided to remain in our hut. There was a fourth person, a man whose name I have forgotten.

“We knew we were under attack. What didn’t make sense, though, was that the whistle had been blown just like on the other days. We just kept quiet, hoping; just hoping.”

With the help of the sun, Mbuya Nhabuia points skywards, indicating that the attack could have started between 7am and 8am, lasting for three to four hours.

“People scampered in many directions. Some wanted to cross the river. Others were caught in the garden. Then there was Cde Masiye, who had spent the previous night imbibing beer across the river.

“When he heard the gunshots, he came to see what was happening. Fortunately, he had his gun. We heard him fighting from across the river. He was, nevertheless, overpowered and killed.”

Mr John Bhera was 13 years old when the massacre occurred.

His family lived a few miles from the base. Though not an eye-witness, he recollects the aftermath.

“When we arrived at the base, we helped bury the dead. The sight was ghastly. The place reeked of death and that scent stayed with us for weeks. That was a brutal way for one to die.

“One comrade had been stabbed in the stomach and was holding his intestines in his hands. Everyone tried to help him by tying his stomach with pieces of cloth. Eventually, we lost him.”

With Pungwe Bridge blown away and telephone lines down, help was at Catandica, which, predictably, was overwhelmed.

By the time help arrived from Chimoio, all those who could have survived had died.

Mbuya Nhabuia says, “We spent three days burying people. The bodies of those who had died in the river were washed away. We don’t even know where their bodies ended up. Nyadzonia River was flowing blood.

“The ground at the base was thick with blood. The smell of blood engulfed the place. Death lingered. I have never seen anything like it.”

So, how did she survive?

“After the Rhodesians had killed everyone in sight, they moved around burning huts. As our hut was lit, we remained inside. We could hear gunshots just outside. But the roof caved in, so we bolted out and made good our escape. The Rhodesian soldier who was standing near our hut stabbed one of the comrades in the buttocks and the other in the breast. It appears he had run out of bullets.

“I was the last to get out; that’s how I lost my hair. It only started re-growing recently. That is also how my arms were burnt. Anyway, I ran to the river and hid behind a bush.

“And from where I was hiding, I could see trucks running over comrades. Remember, comrades had been taught to take cover; that is to lie on the ground during an attack. The Rhodesians knew this and reasoned that some people could be feigning death. That’s why they drove over the bodies, dead or alive.”

Then as the sun hit midday, the attack subsided.

But Mbuya Nhabuia kept hiding.

“I wasn’t sure if they had gone or not. So, I kept hiding. At sunset, the base was quiet. I crawled out. The sight was horrific.”

Nyadzonia was a refugee camp that doubled as a military base for Zanla forces.

Morrison Nyathi, one of the high-ranking leaders at the camp, turned sell-out and brought Ian Smith’s army to slaughter everyone at the camp.

According to Mr Bhera, Nyathi had lied to other base commanders that he was bringing leaders of the Zanla High Command to announce the end of war, and as such, the base was to be ready for inspection.

And readying included cleaning the cadres’ guns. Nyathi suddenly showed up with Smith’s goons.

Mbuya Nhabuia wished for more out of life. That was not to be, though

After surviving the Nyadzonia Massacre, the Renamo insurgence, an on-and-off affair for the past four decades, has kept her wary of war.

That unfortunate streak with war has somewhat rubbed onto her love life.

The apple of her eye, the Frelimo soldier she risked life and limb for during the massacre, left her for another woman.

Could he have run away from her Nyadzonia scars?

“Men! I don’t know what he saw in that little woman that I don’t have. But I am happy that I am alive to tell you today about what I saw at Nyadzonia.

“Whether he decides to leave Beira and come back home to be with his family, I don’t care. In any case, at this age, what do I need a man for? Let me live my last days in peace.”

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LAST week, Cde John Munodawafa Gwitira whose Chimurenga name was Cde Kenneth Gwindingwi (KG) narrated how he grew up in Nyanyadzi and later joined the liberation struggle in 1970. He narrated how he became the first provincial commander for Chaminuka Sector.

In this interview with our team comprising Munyaradzi Huni and Tendai Manzvanzvike, Cde Gwindingwi narrates his first battle, his war strategies and beliefs. Without mincing his words, he talks about the sellouts in Mutoko and Murehwa and how they dealt with such people. “We would shoot to kill,” he says. Read on …

SM: Cde KG, let’s talk a bit about the early days of the liberation struggle. What was your strategy as the commander?

Cde Gwindingwi: The first strategy was to make sure that we travelled in small groups of about three to five except when we were going to take weapons. We would also make sure that taifamba during the night from Mukumbura to Chesa, to Madziva and other areas. Before going to any area, we would first send comrades for reconnaissance. These comrades would go appearing like ordinary villagers but hiding weapons, especially pistols under their clothes. These comrades knew who our contacts were in all the villagers and they would go there to source for information. They would be assisted by people like Cde Chinodakufa vatakanga tapihwa nemasvikiro.

SM: You have spoken about Cde Chinodakufa quite a number of times. When I interviewed him, he said he was in Zapu not Zanu during these days. So how did you work with him as you were Zanla and not Zipra?

Cde Gwindingwi: Yes, he was Zapu but they had discovered that Zapu kwaingova kutaura basi. Too much politics. I told you earlier on that Zanu was more militant than Zapu. This was felt even on the ground and when the people saw us with guns, it was easy for them to work with us. They discovered that we were not all about talking only. We really wanted to fight the war. These people were not loyal to Zapu. They were loyal to the war and to the people of Zimbabwe.

Our other immediate task was to politicise the people. We were telling that tauya kuzotora nyika. You know at one time Chief Chiweshe and others told us that “yes, we hear what you are saying that you want to fight the war, but pfuti dzenyu tudiki pane dzemabhunu. So vanhu varikutya kuti munozogona here to fight these heavy armed Rhodesian forces.”

These people told us that the Rhodesian forces had big guns, had vehicles and helicopters. You know we had to demonstrate that we could fight the Rhodesian soldiers by shooting mombe dzavo. We wanted to show them kuti pfuti inesimba. Takarova mombe dzavo dzikabova vakati, hiiii, hiii mirai mirai chiregai kudaro munotipedzera mombe. Tikati ndiro simba repfuti iri. Murungu haamiri. The povho started believing in us. Also, the spirit mediums in the areas were very powerful and they told the people that we were going to fight and win the war. That is when many chiefs told their people kuti chiendai kuhondo. That’s when we got quite a number of recruits.

SM: What would you say were some of the challenges you faced during these early days?

Cde Gwindingwi: The normal challenges of guerilla warfare. Sometimes there was no food and sometimes the Rhodesian forces were in full force and all over the place. The Rhodesian forces would deploy their people at all the points that they knew we could go to, to look for food. So we had to make sure we liberated these points using the bullet otherwise taifa nenzara. Make the Rhodesian forces run away and kill them. Take your food and go back kwamunogara. We also had problems kutsvaga mbatya but we soon discovered that at each farm shop, there were clothes that the white farmers sold to their black workers. We would break into these shops and povho would help us to carry clothes and food kuenda musango. Sometimes once we got the food, we would set the shop on fire. The white farmer would hear some of his workers screaming for help isu tarova pasi kare. Sometimes we would set the shop on fire and wait for the whiteman to come out of his house. During these days, some of the white farmers vaifunga tiri kutamba not knowing taitopfura to kill. When they discovered that we were shooting to kill, they were now not coming out of their houses even if they could hear their workers screaming.

SM: These were early days of the struggle. Didn’t you face challenges of sellouts because many people still thought the white man was superior?

Cde Gwindingwi: There were many sellouts but we were assisted nepovho. But we had to verify the accusations because there were people with grudges in these villages and they would want to settle their scores using us. Vanhu vainyengerana vakadzi and so on and they would then lie to us that so and so is a sellout.

SM: Did you verify always?

Cde Gwindingwi: Yes, we did but I can comfortably say as the war went on throughout the country, sometimes there was no verification. Some people died for nothing. Ndiyo inotaurwa iya kuti collateral damage. There was nothing we could do. That’s why war is an evil thing. I see vanhu vachitukana and so on but hondo siyanai nazvo. Hondo chinhu chakashata. It’s evil.

SM: Why do you say that?

Cde Gwindingwi: War is evil because it kills innocent people. I hear some people saying endai munosungirira nyika kwamakaisunungura tonoisunungura, I just say, oohhh, these people, shame stereki. Shavi rehurombo chairo. Do these people know what they would be saying? I don’t think so.

SM: You obviously fought in many battles, but tell us one battle that you vividly remember?

Cde Gwindingwi: I remember one of the first battles. We were seated paMupfubve. The spirit mediums had warned us that mabhunu awuya akawungana in this area. We were told that pane munhu akanga abatwa kwataitora chikafu. Akanga ari mupositori. Mupositori uya then came nemabhunu. I discovered that mabbhunu ari kuuya ndikaridza yainge pito kumutsa vanhu. Some people actually said muri kutimutsirei husiku huno. I said comrades lets wake up and leave this place. Some of the comrades said they were tired of moving from one place to the other. They said handiti tine pfuti here, kana vakasvika pano tinorwa navo. As we were talking as commanders, it was myself, Josiah Tungamirai, Thomas Nhari and Badza. Teddy who was on guard was listening to music using earphones. I remember he was listening to the song which something like this; “Have you ever seen the rain coming down…” Mabhunu arikuuya. At one point he just stopped listening to the music because he had realised that mabhunu akanga ava kutosvika. He just threw away his earphones and ran towards us. The Rhodesian soldiers quickly took cover. Teddy akasvika patiri achifemereka. “Comrade, mabhunu!” Ndikati varipi zvikanzi avo vahwanda apo. That’s when people realised we were in trouble. I tell you there was pandemonium.

Pfuti dzakabva dzatanga kurira. We took positions firing back and in no time helicopters came with search lights. The helicopters were also dropping more ground force. This was a fierce battle.

SM: As the commander when the fighting started, what did you tell your comrades?

Cde Gwindingwi: There was no need to tell anyone anything. There was no time for all that. Everybody knew we had to fight or we were going to die. That is why it was called guerilla warfare. You don’t wait for orders dzekuti “fire!” No. Kutamba kuya kudedzera. Uri kuti chiiko iwe comrade? Ndezve mumafilm zviya zvekuti “fire!” Iwewe kana zvatodaro, I told you your gun is your God. Wotoridza kwawawona enemy ikoko. You fire and retreat. Bullets will be flying all over the place. You don’t have to be told to fight. Unofa wakamirira instruction. Fire the bloody gun. So the helicopters were our big problem. Fortunately I had an LMG, Light Machine Gun inomira nemakumbo. We had been trained how to hit an aircraft using the LMG. I lied down kwakusimudza pfuti iya yakatarisa mudenga. You know helicopter inomira mudenga. I could see the gun man in the helicopter from my position. He was firing at me but missing. I fired back ndichibva ndamurova. Dambu ndamurova achibva arembera muhelicopter. Pilot akaona kuti gunman arohwa and he flew away. That’s when we got time to retreat. We lost one comrades during this battle, Cde Mapudege. We never saw him again. Whenever we were attacked, we knew our gathering point where we would meet after the battle.

SM: How would you choose these gathering points?

Cde Gwindingwi: We would choose a place a bit far away from the battle ground. A place that we thought would be safe. Sometimes we would have two gathering points. We would survey these areas first. We always made sure that we surveyed our surroundings so that we could map escape routes and so on. Mukasadaro maibatwa sehwiza. After this battle we then moved to Mutoko area and hey, there were many sellouts in that area. Even kwaMurehwa, many sellouts.

SM: What would you do to this sellouts?

Cde Gwindingwi: There were some people that we realised were determined to hand us over to the Rhodesian forces for their own benefit. These people tairidzira pfuti. Shoot him. There were some people who were convinced that munhu mutema haakundi murunguba. There were such people. Even today variko such people. We would shoot and kill such people. Sometimes we would shoot such people right in front of all the villagers to demonstrate to people that we were not joking. After this some of the sellouts vaitiza kutomboenda kutawindi. There were many sellouts and like I told you, this battle where we lost Cde Mapudenge, we were sold out. After this battle, the Rhodesian forces realised that we were serious about fighting the war and povho in that area was tormented. I remember that is when Jack Madungwe was killed. Cuthbert Marufu had to run away. When the Rhodesia soldiers discovered that there were many comrades around Mutoko and Murehwa, they dispatched many sellouts. They would give these sellouts money to inform them about our whereabouts. You know sometimes I say vanhu vatema tiri mapenzi. Some of these sellouts we killed, ainge asina kana pfuti. Just kabanga and nothing else. Kufira mahara.

SM: After such a battle when you were resting at your bases, what would you talk about?

Cde Gwindingwi: All the time, we would be talking about war. Giving each other encouragement to continue fighting. We would also talk about our strategies. Sometimes we would argue among ourselves. Debating over issues until we agreed on one position. Of course sometimes we would talk about zvekumusha and laugh about it. Kunyepera kufara.

SM: As the commander, didn’t you sometimes send your comrades kunokutsvagirai vasikana?

Cde Gwindingwi: You would die. I can tell you, you would die. Hondo ikauya, yainanga pauri.

SM: How and why?

Cde Gwindingwi: Hapeno, but you would die. Maybe mudzimu. But later when the war was all over the country, yes, people were now womanising. I also can tell you that many vakaita zvevasikana died. Many causalities. During these early years, you could not womanise if you wanted to live. People died.

SM: Can you briefly tell us some of the war strategies that you believed in?

Cde Gwindingwi: I used to say, whenever someone fired at you, you were supposed to quickly fire back otherwise you would develop cold blood. Also, I believed that we were supposed on most of occasions supposed to be the attackers and not the other way around. Draw the first blood even if you were not sure of hitting someone. Fire first so that the enemy knows that usauye kuno kune zvikara.

You know after four months at the war front, when the other comrades later joined us, we were getting tired. You can ask Cde Bethune, he will tell you what I am talking about. When the reinforcements came, we were so, so happy. Takanga taneta.

These comrades who joined us were really dying for some action. I remember there was Jeff Ridzano, Sam Chawanda and so on. After seeing us alive they realized that they could also fight and hit mabhunu. When they arrived, there were so high on morale that they would sometimes dance and sing as if they had come to a party. This also boosted our morale. That is when we realised the value of numbers. The other reinforcement came after about nine months. I think by this time, trained comrades we were now around 400. You know after a year of combat as Zanla we declared victory. We could feel that we were going to win the war.

SM: How did you know that?

Cde Gwindingwi: We could see kuti yasvika panyuturu. Hondo kusvika paya pekuti mava kuzivana neenemy. By this time, the Rhodesian forces knew that we were serious and they would not just wander around. We also knew kuti tikadai uku kune mabhunu. Takanga tisisa hwandirane. We were now sizing each other. We were now waiting for each other to make mistakes. The Rhodesian forces knew kuti umm, group riri uku mukangoendako vamwe venyu havadzoki. You know we got to a point where the Rhodesia forces knew that there was comrade KG. They even dropped pamphlets from helicopters with our pictures. Mabhunu akanga asingaite zvekutamba. They went all the way to Nyanyadzi to get my pictures. They would put our pictures and a prize. So much money for the capture of KG. I think the highest prize was put on the capture of James Bond. He was a top marksman. Look ndairidza pfuti but Bond akanga ari pamberi pedu. James Bond was my junior but munhu wese aingoti eehh, eehh, iwe mupfana. Even inini commander wako, he would say mupfana. Ndaingodaira. Munhu wese akanga ari mupfana wake. Sometimes kana kusina hondo he would put on a very nice suit yakatorwa kuvarungu. Very smart right in the middle of the bush. Kwanzi ndizvo zvandinoda kuita ndava Harare.

Unfortunately he later died. I think we made a mistake of exposing Bond to the war for too long. He was at the war front for too long. We should have sent him back to the rear kuti ambozorora.

SM: These white Rhodesian soldiers you were fighting against, were they courageous soldiers?

Cde Gwindingwi: Some of them were very courageous. But the Portuguese soldiers in Mozambique were more courageous. Sometimes they would fight vakadhakwa but you would feel their presence. Even after ambushing them, sometimes you would end up retreating. You know at one time we ambushed them and killed quite a number of them kukasara about seven of them. Those guys put up a strong fight. You could see them spinning around taking cover. They fought until we realised that we were now losing some of our comrades. We had to retreat.

Next week, Cde KG continues narrating his fascinating story. As the commander he got involved in many battles at the war front. Make sure you get your copy of The Sunday Mail to hear how Cde KG terrorized Rhodesian forces.

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WHAT an exciting week? The media had a feast. Zimbabweans being Zimbabweans went into overdrive — rumours, speculation, conclusions, theories and lies.

Winston Churchill was so spot on when he said: “Politics is almost as exciting as war, and quite as dangerous. In war you can only be killed once, but in politics many times.”

Some people died several times over the past few days. So many deaths. So many funerals. My apologies dear congregants, I couldn’t attend any of the funerals.

Allow me to take a detour. There is some hard truths to be told. A few weeks ago, I broke the news that that grand opposition coalition iya hakuchina.

Today I come to you again with more news. The MDC-T has already conceded defeat to President Mugabe in the 2018 elections.

Their fight now is to try and stop Zanu-PF from winning two-thirds majority in Parliament.

In case you think Bishop Lazarus dzarasa. I am not making the news.

Tsvangirai’s former advisor and law professor, Alex Magaisa is the one who is telling this bitter truth. Under the headline, “Zanu-PF must not get two-thirds majority in 2018,” Magaisa advised the MDC-T that; “That is why a key battleground in next year’s elections is over the two thirds parliamentary majority.”

Put simply, Magaisa was telling the MDC-T that makadyiwa kare in 2018, chishingai kuti musarakashwe zvekuti Zanu-PF iwane two-thirds majority.

This is the reality, but then MDC-T zvimiti ndonye munzeve. Regaika tione.

Talking of two thirds majority, there are those who have been saying elections can’t be held early next year, hehe Constitution this and Constitution that. The opposition is actually believing these fake constitutional experts.

Well, what happened in Parliament last week should tell the opposition that elections will be held pangodira Gushungo.

Against the wishes of the opposition, the Constitutional Amendment Bill (Number One) sailed through the National Assembly. VeMDC-T vakapupa mafuro pamuromo kuramba the Bill, but that Bill was passed.

Zanu-PF, iyoyo Zanu-PF iri kunzi ine mafactions ganged up against the opposition and the Bill was passed with 182 votes. This was despite the fact that the Bill was all along said to be a Vice President Mnangagwa Bill. That’s Zanu-PF for you.

Now, if Gushungo decides that he wants elections in January, February or March, there is nothing that the opposition can do about it. If only the opposition could read what the Presidential Youth Interface Rallies are all about. But then zvimiti ndonye muzheve. Don’t say Bishop Lazarus didn’t warn you.

Now back to the exciting deep waters of the past week. Regai ndiite zvemagwaro kwazvo. Mark 4 vs 39 says; “And he awoke and rebuked the wind and said to the sea, “Peace! Be still!” And the wind ceased, and there was a great calm.”

Hey dear congregants, please calm down. “Peace! Be Still!” Musamhanye vanhu VaMwari. Stop making those wild and weird conclusions. The First Lady Dr Grace Mugabe just asked President Mugabe to appoint his successor when the time comes. On his part, the President told the military to stay out of politics. Just these two positions, zvotoita as if nyika yakuguma.

Of course, the media had a field day. You suddenly realise that Zanu-PF is indeed the only game in town. The MDC-T couldn’t resist the Zanu-PF midas touch as they commented on the goings on in the revolutionary party.

The scribes went to town and back. But then hold on dear congregants. Don’t we know that politics is a process and not an event? Someone said: “Art, freedom and creativity will change society faster than politics.”

Reading some of the stories and theories, you would think the President had fired the whole army. You would think the First Lady had told the President to appoint a successor tomorrow.

Imbomirai kumedza mutsenge nyaya iyi.

Why are you dear congregants misinterpreting and cooking theories from the statements that were made by the President and the First Lady? Stop distorting clear statements. And stop pulling and pushing other people in your cooked up theories.

Why are some people pretending to be more President Mugabes? Why are some people pretending to be more Amai Mugabes? Kuziva zvakataurwa kudarika akataura. Imi vanhu itai mushe mhani.

Now as you focused on creating and cooking theories, you missed an important story. After the First Lady, Dr Grace Mugabe raised concern, as the Secretary for Women’s Affairs, that the party should revert to its resolutions that one Vice President’s position be reserved for women, the President said the following:

“I want to accept that we made a mistake because we had agreed that one of the three top positions in Government must go to a woman.

“It started during Mai Mujuru’s period and that’s where we went wrong by putting a man in that position. I think it was Cde Mnangagwa.

“We can correct that either directly in the constitution at congress or another way is to accept that change, why don’t we look at the constitution.

“A constitution is made to serve the people and not the people to serve a constitution . . .

“We can look at other ways of doing it, but I would want you to consider that perhaps we leave that position as it is or if you insist we change it. But I was thinking that other countries have more than two. Why can’t we have three deputies and correct this position that way?

“Think about it. Two choices, one to revert to our position of two VPs and one being a lady, but another of adding another position of a VP and we have three VPs and one woman. Think of those mere suggestions when we go to Congress as you like, but think it out and we discuss at Congress, but certainly we have offended you and I must apologise for that.”

Now dear congregants, you don’t think this was a big story? Thinking about having a third deputy? Instead of looking to the future, you decided to stew yourself in the politics of the present? Kwanzi toita madeputy three here nhai imi vanhu? Let’s debate that. I am cool with it anytime.

Let’s not appear like we still living in the Magic Bullet Theory days when the media was all powerful. In fact, there was never a time when the media was all powerful. At the same time, let’s not fall victim to the agenda setting role of the media, where the media is described as having a powerful influence on the people.

Scholars tell us that agenda-setting is the creation of public awareness and concern of salient issues by the news media. Two basis assumptions underlie most research on agenda-setting: the first being that the media do not reflect reality; they filter and shape it and the second is that media concentrate on a few issues and subjects, leading the public to perceive those issues as more important than other issues.

If the media does not reflect reality, why then should we let the media to tell us what issues are important?

Let’s leave the media focusing on what pushes their sales and what excites their shareholders.

Let’s leave the media focusing on “President anointing his successor” and the “military staying out of politics.”

Let’s look ahead and see whether we should have three deputies.

That suggestion by the President says a lot. It’s unfortunate that many have been blinkered by factionalism and succession.

Just a reminder. “When you’re happy, you enjoy the music. But when you’re sad, you understand the lyrics.”

Bishop is out!

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Below is First Lady Amai Grace Mugabe’s full remarks at the fifth Presidential Youth Interface Rally in Chinhoyi yesterday.

*****
Ndinoda kuti ndikukudzeyi, VaChipanga, nekuronga kwakadai muchibatsirana neprovince ino.

Haa, tamboenda hedu kumarallies, but this one. . .haa iri pamberi. Ini ndiri munhu anotaura zviri mumoyo make. I’m a very independent person. Dzimwe nguva, vamwe vanoti ndaudzwa or ndatumwa naVaMugabe. Kwete. I speak my mind. Saka, ndaona vanhu wakawanda kudai, handingade kusimuka ndichibata tsvimbo yeruza ndichinyepera vanhu.

Ndoda kutaurira vanhu chokwadi.

Ini, zvandimire pano, also ndichinzi Secretary for Women’s Affairs, I am also serving at the pleasure of the President.

Pamwewo ndiri mudzimai wavo.

Regai ndienderere mberi.

Ndiri kuda kutaura zvishoma-shoma kuti ndisapedze nguva, but pane zvidiki-diki zvandiri kuda kutaura. President makanditsvaga seshamwari yenyu muhupenyu. Kubasa mukatsvaga VaMphoko naVaMnangagwa seshamwari dzenyu.

Saka, isusu tiri vatatu; ini VaMphoko naVaMnangagwa, pabasa ratinoita pamusangano, tiri kuserver at the pleasure yenyu, imi President.

Nguva yega yega, kana tikaita zvinhu zvisina musoro, munogona kutibvisa pabasa anytime yamada. Asi ini chimwe chigaro chandinacho cheudzimai hwenyu chinonetsa kubvisa. Tinenge tavakutoenda kumacourt. Mukandiramba tinenge tavakutoenda kucourt ndakatsika madziro.

Let me tell you something.

It is not the number of years we have walked with this man that matters. What matters is what we do in his absence. Ini, VaMphoko naVaMnangangwa tiri vatatu, zvatinoita musipo ndozviri important. Muri kuzvinzwa zvandiri kutaura? Takapihwa mabasa ekuita. Tapihwa mabasa iwayo, we must just concentrate on mabasa iwayo. Tongoita mabasa edu tichiziva kuti takapihwa mabasa nemukuru togumira ipapo.

VaMphoko ava; munhu wandakaziva nguva (yakareba).

Hakuna musi wavasina kuuya kwandiri vasati vatombova Ambassador, ava VaMphoko; tichifarirana, tichitaura. We are great friends, zvakanyanyisa. VaMnangagwa ndakataura, hapana asingazive. Ava ishamwari yangu ava. Asi kana vakandirasawo nhasi handingaziva kuti tichiri pamwe chete here. Asi ndisahwira wangu. Chokwadi, zvechokwadi. Kufa kwakaita mudzimai wavo, vaiuya vachiti, “Amai, vana vari kuuya. Vave nevazukuru.” Vachituma vana kwandiri. Ndozvandinoda kuti zvirambe zvichiitika pakati penyu VaMnangagwa neni.

Ndiri kutaura izvi nekuda kwekuti pane zviitiko zviri kuitika muparty medu.

Pane imwe nguva yandakafonerwa; ini ndinoda kuita role yangu yehumai proper zvisina kutya kana kutyisidzirwa.

Pane nguva yandakafonerwa nevamwe vanhu gore rakapera, zvikanzi handeyi mustreet tinobvisa VaMnangagwa. VaMnangagwa ndikavaudza. Ndiri kunyepa here? Handisi kunyepa. Ndikavaudza VaMnangagwa kuti ndaudzwa kuti tiende mustreet tinokubvisai, but ini ndikaconfronta ivavo kuti imi muri kuti tiende mustreet tinobvisa VaMnangagwa, tisu here takava appointa pachinzvimbo ichocho?

Zviri kumaker sense?
Hatisisu takavaisa pachinzvimbo ichocho. Zvataakuita tikaenda mustreet, tinonoita ruzha, which means we are insulting the President because he is the appointing authority.

Ndikaramba.
Muri kuzvinzwisisa.

VaMnangagwa vakaappointwa naPresident to be the Vice-President saka inini kunyangwe ndiri mudzimai wavo, I have no mandate yekuti ndoungana nevanhu toenda mustreet kunovabvisa.

Hazviite. Hazviite. Kana isu tisingagutsikane nezviri kuitwa naVaMnangagwa, tinoenda kunaPresident tonoti President maelders, vanhu vakuru VaMnangagwa, vatadza zvakati zvakati. Toenda tonoudza baba. Ivo ndivo vodecider nekuti ndivo vakambo decider kuvapa chigaro.

Zvino zvakaitika ndezvekuti. . .Mahoka ari pano, muri kumuona Mahoka? Ndiri kutaura kuti mayouth mudzidze kuti basa rinoitwa sei mangwana. Mahoka naMai Sandi vakange vachiita tunhu twavo tusinakufadza maChairperson. Inini vaindidheerera nekuti inini I can give someone a long rope ndomutarisa.

Vaidheerera vachiita tunhu twavo ndichivaregerera, but maChairperson vakasvika pakuti ayewa, zvamuri kuitira Amai nezvamuri kuitira musangano hatizvide. Toda kumbokusendekai paside. Mukaona vanhu vakasimuka, vakamira vakademonstreta, vakati Mahoka naMai Sandi ngavaitwe set aside.

Vakabviswa pazvigaro zvavanga vainazvo kuWomen’s League chete. Mai Sandi vakasara varipo saMinister wekuBulawayo Metropolitan Province nekuti vaka appointwa nababa. Chigaro ichocho hatina kukwanisa kuvabvisa nekuti vaka appointwa nababa.

Muri kunyatsonzwa zvandiri kutaura?

Hatina kuvabvisa.

Izvi zvanga zviri zvinhu zvedu tega seWomen’s League. Ininiwo zvandiri, hapana angandibvise unless baba vati havachandida; handisi kuita zvinhu zvine musoro. Saka Mai Sandi chigaro chavo cheuko hatikwanise kuchibata nekuti vaka appointwa naPresident.

Asi kwedu pasi uko, kwedu seWomen’s League, tinokwanisa kubvisa vana vedu tichinotaurira vakuru vedu and even zvese zvaiitika izvozvi. Tichinotaurira vakuru vedu and even then zvaitika izvezvi, ndakaudza baba kuti ndozviri kuitika. Ndikaudza VaMphoko ndozviri kuitika. Ndikaenda kunaVice-President Mnangagwa ndikavaudza ndozviri kuitika.

Handaida kuti vazozvinwa kuti zvafamba zvakadai.

Ndaida kutanga ndavaudza, out of respect for you people. Saka zvandiri kuda kutaura mazvinzwa?

Zvaitwa zvaMahoka naSandi Moyo, ndakazoona vanhu vasimuka. Kuda vaifunga kuti nokuti President zvavabvumira Mai Mugabe kubvisa Mahoka naSandi Moyo, yava nguva manje yekushandisa kuvictimiser Kasukuwere.

Uri kuinzwa nyaya yacho?

Teerera.

Vanhu vagomobiliser, vagoenda kumaProvince.

“Hatichada Kasukuwere. Kasukuwere ari kuda kubvisa President nemunin’ina wake.” Vari three? Please, ngatitaurirane chokwadi. Inguva yekutaurirana chokwadi. Zvingaite izvozvo? Iko kamukomana ako, simuka iwe. Une zidumbu zvako. . . but aka?

Simuka, iwe, muri vairi imimi, mugodisposer mudhara imimi ane mhomho yese iyi? Garai pasi. Toda kutaurirana chokwadi. Chokwadi ngachichibuda izvozvi. Ndiri kutaura ndichidaro; Kasukuwere is a minister, a minister who was appointed by the President. Kasukuwere ari kuserver saCommissar aappointwa naPresident. Hapana ane right yekuti ndinobvisa Kasukuwere President vasina kuti chokwadi ndizvozvo.

Hapana.

Zvakaitika izvi; kana dai vanhu vainge vasingafare nezviri kuitwa naKasukuwere, vanhu vangadai vakati ngatinyorei pasi zvatisiri kufadzwa nezvinoitwa naKasukuwere, and we go to the President, tonoudza President kuti Kasukuwere ari kuita one, two, three; ivo vokuudzai zvekuita.

Ivo mbune!

Not kusimuka kuita zvinhu zvisina nebasa rese varume vakuru! Kumira pamamicrophone muchiita silly things. Stop it! No one is perfect. I am not saying kuti haatadze. Anozviziva uyu mukomana uyu kuti kana paine zvinhu zvaasiri kuita zvakanaka, ndinomuti you stop it!

Ndinomutaurira Kasukuwere. Asi kana tichibata-bata, mangwana Jonathan Moyo; mangwana Kasukuwere. . .ah! Please, regai vanhu vamboita basa. Kana vatadza, tovabvisa kuti vatadza basa. Kucreater macorruption cases against them. Nhema dzega dzega, nhema. It is too much. We have been quiet for a long time. This must stop. Aiwa ka, varume ka, kana musingawirirane, garai pasi mutaurirane; muite iron out maproblems enyu musati mabuda panze.

Makabuda nemaproblems panze saka tokudzidzisai panze vanhu vachinzwa.

Ehe. Charamba uri kupi. Charamba; George. George, iwewe, you are a prolific writer. You are an avid reader. I respect you for that. I respect you in your intellectual capacity. George ndakamuziva uyu, usati wambova necapacity yawanayo, ini ndisati ndaazvandiri, tichishanda tese.

But nhasi izuva rangu rekukuudza semwana wangu.

George is employed in the President’s Office, and as the Presidential Spokesperson, you research iwe for information. Iye zvino, tinongoona muHerald there are only specific people vanotaurwa zvakanaka nezvavo, vamwe vachisiiwa. Unoti tinenge tisingaone here mwanangu?

Tinenge tichiona. Don’t do that. We have travelled naGeorge kwese tichiti pamwe zviya zviya zvekuti pane situation yekuti taenda kumba kwemaAmbassador tiri kuda kuservwa zvekudya iwe unozviziva! George huya mwanangu; tosimuka toserver, tozvininipisa. George huya. . . Hapana mumwe muhu wandaikumbira, but ndaitryer kumusvitsa padhuze, but he did not reciprocate; iwe George. Hatidi kuti udaro. Wakamirira zvaPresident. You cannot separate the President and his wife. Hazvikwanisike.

Mhosva yangu George. . . George, iwe, pawakachata, ndakauya kumuchato wako nemudzimai wako wekutanga. Tikafara. George anozviziva ka, uyu, kuti haangandibvise pakati pemudzimai wake nevana vake. Anozviziva kuti kamwe kamwana kake ishamwari yangu.

Kana ndiri kunyepa iti Mai muri kunyepa. Gara zvako pasi. Aiwa ka, ngaamirire zviripo. Ini ndinoita basa everyday ndichiita basa. George uyu, ndiri mudzimai wababa vake ava; haambofi akauya kuzoonawo zvandiri kuita kuMazowe. Kunze kwekuti uite saizvozvo, basa ndere kunyora zvisina nebasa rese.

Zvisiri zvedevelopment.

Anozviziva uyu kuti ndiri kuita basa guru guru, but haana basa naro. George iwe uri pasi pemaminister; hauna right iwe yekutukana nemaminister. Hauna right. Kana minister anetsa, baba varipo. Unovaudza kuti baba, minister nhingi nanhingi vari kundidai. Ivo vonotswinya nzeve. Vobvonya, zvopera.

Ndiri mai, ndinotsiura, asi chimwe chinhu chandinoita; I don’t (hold) grudges. Ndatotaura zvatopera. Bvunzai vanonyatsondiziva. Nyaya yandakataura musi weThursday kuHarare; ndakati ini nyaya yefactionalism yanetsa, yanyanya kunetsa. Vanhu vakungoona baba nekuti vakura vakati tanonokerwa.

Baba ava ka, ava, isu hatimbofa takasvika palevel ravo rekugona kutaura nekuita basa. Hatigoni. Nyama, yes, zvingaramba, vakafamba zvishoma, but simba rekuramba vachiita basa vanaro. Vanaro. Handiti vari kuuya papodium kuzotaura. Ndoda kuti munzwe mumwe angataura sezvavanoita undiratidze.

And prove me wrong.

Vachauya kuzotaura.

Muchaona kuti chii chandiri kutaura.

Nyaya iripo yandakataura ndeye kuti, ini constitution ndinoinzwisisa zvakanyanya and ndinonzi Dr Grace Mugabe. Ndakadzidza ini. Ndakadzidza; whether ukaramba, ukabvuma. Ramba chete upererwe. Chiripo ndechekuti President Mugabe ndivoPresident vatakasarudza.

Ndinozviziva kuti kuchasvika imwe elective congress yatinoita kunosarudzwa maleaders. Ndinozviziva. Hakusi kuti handizvizivi, but what I was saying ndezvekuti that process yekuti President vakati havachadi, vaakuda kuzorora chitsvagai mumwe, he will certainly be part of that process usingadi uchida. Hazvingaite kuti vangangogara vakadai kuti imi sarudzai wamunoda inini handizi part of it because ndiyo democracy.

He is a member of the party, and above all, he is our President akasarudzwa nevanhu to lead us, and he has to lead us in that process. Muchatitungamira, President, nguva kana yakwana kuti chitsvagai mumwe. Muchititungamira imi. Kana uchizviramba paugere ipapo, ramba asi ndiri kutokutaurira.

Wanzwa Kudzi achitaura apa; ati zvinhu zvese zvinotanga naAmai. Mark my words. Mark my step. Zvese zvinotanga naAmai. Whether you want to twist zvinhu zvacho; zvese zvinotanga naAmai. Munhu wese kunaAmai. Kana wada kusara kwauri uri wega zvava zvako.

Imi munofunga muchiti imimi, shuwa shuwa, baba vagoti handichadi? Vongotisiira chaos. Basa rese ravakaita. All the sacrifice, vachiziva kuti iwe Mai Mugabe haugoni kuendesa nyika mberi, vongonditi tsvee mudonzvo. Nhema chaiyo. Inhema chaiyo. President vachange vainesu. Nguva yavanenge vaakuda kuzorora vachave nesu pakusarudza munhu iyeye.

Saka, ndakati kana nguva yenyu yakwana, motiudza bhiza, isu tomhanya nebhiza iroro.

Hapana chakamboipa apa. Ungandituke, ungandifarira, ungandisekerera, ungandishora, asi ndonyaya yacho yekuti kana nguva yakwana, hakuna munhu achatora chigaro after him without his blessing; period. Chokwadi chakangonaka. Hapana chakaipa. Without his blessing, haunganzi President of this country.

Inini ndine zvakawanda zvekutaura, asi ndakuda kugumira panapa; tozosangana futi pandima inotevera. Watch this space. Ndinoda kutenda nemukana wamandipa wokutaura. Ndinoti Mwari akuitirei zvakanaka. Ngatiitei shun factionalism. Ngatibatanei kana tichida mukuru wedu zveshuwa. Ngatiitei kuti mukuru wedu kana aakuda kuzorora ati, “Aiwa, kana ndikagara zvangu paside, vana vakaenderera mberi nebasa, nyika inenge yakabatana.”

Ndoshuviro yavo. Ndoshuviro yangu. Saka, ini ndinoda kukutendai nekuungana kwamaita. Mwari akuitirei zvakanaka. Pasi nefactionalism.

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Below is President Mugabe’s full address at the Mashonaland West Presidential Youth Interface Rally in Chinhoyi yesterday. 

Ndinoda kuvamba nekukutendayi, kukutendesesayi, nokundimuka kwamaita muchiuya nehuwandu hwakadai. Hunobva hwaratidza kuti chokwadi yainzi Mash West yava “Mash Best”.

Ndangariro yatiunza pano indangariro yevadiki vedu; Cde Chipanga, vatinopa rukudzo saChairman vemayouth, nevamwe vavo.

Vakangovamba vachiti ngatiitei imwe interface yekunosangana naPresident, nyika yose. Vakakokorodza vanhu kuti vafambe one mile vachiuya kuHarare kuzonditenda nebasa randakaita ndiri Chairman weAfrican Union; zvichibatanidza nehuChairman hwedu muregion yedu yeSadc.

Saka iyi yakazova pfungwatsva yazvarwa pane pfungwa iyoyo yokutanga.

Ndozvatinoda kuona musangano wedu uchiita, pfungwa dzemberi dzinoita kuti musangano wedu urambe uri musangano wevanhu. Urambe uri musangano wekubatanidza vanhu pachavo, kubatanidza vanhu nevatungamiriri vavo. Tichinzwa pfungwa dzenyu dzamunadzo dzinoti zvinangwa zvamungadai muinazvo zvekuti musangano uenderere mberi nezvichemo zvamungadai muinazvo zvekuti “tiri kuchema nezvakati nezvakati mungazviongorore here?”

Tauya kuMashonaland Best, vana vedu, mayouth edu.Kuti vazoronga kuita gungano rakadai rinondimuka richiuya kuChinhoyi ibasa rokushinga, kushinga nechido.

Hongu, rubatsiro rwunovapo kubva kumadzimai, kubva kuvakuru; kubva kushamwari dzedu.

Kubatanidzwa ikoko, humwe chete ihwowo, ipfungwa yevana vedu.

Tinovatenda.

Varovereyi maoko!

Varovereyi maoko!

Hapasi pano chete. Ndinofunga gungano rino rava rechishanu. Vanoda kupedza maprovince ose vachidayi. Tova nekugutsikana kuti nyika yose, maprovince ose varikumashure kwemusangano.

Hatina kumboita pfungwa yakadai, kana isu vakuru. Kwatakabva, taiita zvedu marally, asi pfungwa yekusimudza kuti province yose bvayati ndimu, neshamwari vana varipo, vamwe nevana kumusana.

Ahh, izvi zvinofadza. Zvinobaya, moyo zvakare. Ini semukuru wenyu, (mayouth) wavakada kuti ndive ndifamba maprovince ose, kuine sangano iri revanhu naPresident.

Ndozvinoreva interfaceka; muchiona kuti takasimba sei muchinzwawo President kuti angadai aine mashoko akadii.

Ndinoda, pamashoko iwayo, kuti ndivambe ndichiti Zanu-PF ndiwo musangano wakarwira nyika.

Ndiwo musangano wakafirwa nemagamba edu. Ndiwo musangano, nhasi uno, wavakutonga. Ndanga ndichitaura kwatabva kucentre yecommunication ndichiti hatingave vanhu vane tsika yemusangano?

Hatingave zvakare marevolutionaries vane gwara?

Nekuti revolution haisi yezuva rimwe chete. Patakati nyika inorwirwa, hatina kuti kukapinda vakomana vakaita zvavaita, vapedza, kana vauraiwa zvapera. Revolution icontinuous process inoramba ichifamba. Isu tatakura nyaya yekuzvipira, nyaya yekurwira nyika yedu tichitarisa shure kwedu, kuti vakuru vedu ndezvipi zvavakaita?

Ndosaka tiine mazita evakafira nyika.

Vana Mbuya Nehanda naVana Kaguvi naVanaLobengula vakashandira nyika. Pfungwa dzavo dzaivapfungwa dzakafanana nedzedu. Vatorwa hatingavabvumire kuti vatore nyika, vatigare matumba vagotiita varanda. Kwete. Ndosaka vakabata mapfumo. Hongu, pfumo nepfuti zvakasiyana. Ane pfuti anokurira ane pfumo.

Asi isuwo mokunzwa nhoroondo yezvakaitika, takati haa, vakuru vedu vakakuriwa nepamusana pekuti vakarwisa nemapfumo. Vakanga vasina zvombo zvine simba.

Takatarira kuti iye muvengi chakamusimbaradza chii. Takaona kuti hapana chimwe kunze kwepfuti. Vakasimba pamusana pekuti vakazendamira pfuti. Dai vasina kuzendamira pfuti, zviri zvibhakera, dai takamunakura kare kare.

Dai akanga asina pfuti aive nemapfumowo, wainge akabaiwa kare akashaya.

Ane pfuti hatingazvikwanisewo here?

Tikaona kuti tozvikwanisa zvakanga zvaitwa kune dzimwe nyika; kunaana Algeria kwavakarwisa maFrench kwemakore akawanda. MamaFrench aiti pamusana pekuti vaona kuti Algeria ine hupfumi hwakawanda, ndopavanorima magrapes anopa wine yavo; ndokwavane mapurazi, vakati aihwa.

Vamwe vese vakanga vavane independence, asi Algeria aihwa, “it’s part of France” and there is a whole Mediterranean Sea in between.

Imagine, a country, by virtue of military strength, claiming that Algeria is part of France. Isu takatarisawo maBritish tichiti vanhu ivava ko vakambobva nepi? Vakuru vedu vaiti vakauya vasina mabvi (nokuti vaipfeka matrousers) vachingoti tauya kuzokwasha mhuka. Apa nepapo vachiti tangouya kuzochera zvicherwa kwete kuzotora nyika yenyu.

Ozoona ah, vaakutovaka, vaakutoitawo hurumende, vaakutotora nyika yedu, vaakutisunda isu kuenda kune vhu vachiti ndokumaruzevha kwamunosungirwa kuenda.

Vauyi. Saka takarongawo hurongwa hwaida kuti tive nemusangano wakasimba. Hongu, takazoita musangano, tikaparadzana, Zanu neZapu, asi takazobatana. Muvengi wakarohwa kuno uku, tinechiyeudzo chakakosha. Vakomana vanomwe vatakatanga navo vakahwandirwa nemuvengi, asi vakamira vakadandaura pfuti pamhiri apa. Kudandaura pfuti pamhiri apa dakara zuva ravakudakudoka.Muvengi akati ahh, rikadoka hatizovakwanisa. Vanozoenda tisingavaoni. Ngatikurumidzeyi. Ndopavakazouya nendege zvino kuzobhomba. Ndokukurirwa kwakaitwa the seven gallant sons, revolutionary sons of Zimbabwe. They shed their blood. They left us, therefore, a legend; and that legend meant that we, too, must be prepared to fight to the end for our country. If it meant sacrificing ourselves in the same way of shedding our blood, let it be. If it meant being thrust into prison and being tortured, let it be.

If it meant being restricted; being detained, let it be. Makaiswa mumakeep semhuka, kutenherwa mumakeep. Asi hamuna kudzoka shure. Makati vana vedu variko, muri mumakeep imomo maikwanisa. . .vana vedu vachiverevedza kuvaudza kuti muvengi ari kwakati nekwakati.

Endai kwakati, mumisha.

Maikwanisa zvakare kuvapa kudya nekuvapa mazano enzira dzavanosungirwa kutevera, nekuvapa vana venyu kuti vajoine kupamhidzira kusimba; kupasimba, kusimbaradza varwi vedu — Zanla and Zipra forces. Muvengi akazoedza. They tried this and that when the going was hard. Then they tried to use our people, anaana Muzorewa, kuti Muzorewa edza kubatanidza vanhu ivavo. Zvino Muzorewa, as their front, isu tava muprison, vakati tinokuchengeterayi vana venyu veZapu neZanu. Kana mabuda, tokupayi musangano wenyu. Vakuru vedu VeFrontline States were deceived. Even Nyerere. Nyerere said to us, “What sort of people are you, leaders of Zanu and Zapu?”

“There is a man of God”, ndiNyerere uyu, “who said, as you were in prison, he acted like a grandfather to your parties. He is saying now, now that you are out, take your child and let me go back to my Bible.”

Ndaana Nyerere tichiita musangano kuLusaka.

“Muri vanhu vakaitasei? Munhu akakubatirai maparty enyu arikunze vamwe vari muprison achiti ini ndakaita sababa kana sekuru vasara vakabata vana venyu, zvamabuda zvino arikuti uyu munhu waMwari torai vana venyu. Ini ndoenda kubasa rangu rezvekwaMwari.”

Saka, maFrontline States akatendera izvozvo. Zvikanzi, “Ko, kana akadaro, chirikukutadzisai kubatana chii?”

Isu taiziva hondoka. Takanga taramba kare kuti ayewa, aya manyepo. Ava vari kutirwisa, saka takangoramba takadaro. Takaita mano-mano tikati okay, taakubatana. Iye akanzi ndiye ave mukuru wemusangano, mubatanidzwa uyu, ANC yaVaMuzorewa.

Isu hatina kubvuma izvozvo. Takangoita cha “ufambe wakachenjera”.

Tikati ah ah, ngatirambei tichiburitsa macomrade vachienda kunze. Aya manyepo aya. We knew him. Mubatanidzwa watingaite. . . hezvo! Vaakuda varungu kuti vave pamwe chete nesu. Ungave mubatanidzwa wakanaka here? Saka takaita tamba wakachenjera yedu, tikasiya vaanaChitepo, ana JZ Moyo varikunze. Asi tsaona dzakazouya dzakawira VaChitepo.

Ndopandakaburitswa ini ndikaenda kunze. Zvakava zvimwe chetezvo. Zvakanga zvakaoma kunze. Vese vakanga vabuda kunze, mirwi yavo vese, vaiti tiri ANC. Saka, isu naTekere takati pakati pavo, ayewa, kunaana Samora taiti tiri Zanu isusu.

Zanu vachiti muchaita Zanu yakarambwa kuOAU. Tikati tiri Zanu chete. Pakazonzi zvino maBritish arikuda hurukuro kuGeneva, maFrontline States votiunganidza.

Isu takati tinoenda ikoko seZanu-PF.

Nyerere akatenge abvuma zvino kuti ah, “Ndimi mune vakomana varikurwa. Dai mabatana.”

Ndopatakaita Zanu-PF muTanzania, tikakokorodza vanga vari kunze. Vanaana Nkomo vanga varimukati, tikati chibudai. Saka, takaenda kuGeneva as Zanu-PF, asi yakanga isati yabuda nemutowo iwowo. We were the Patriotic Front. Zanu-PF takazoita after Independence tava Patriotic Front.

Ipapo dai tisina kubatana tiri vaviri, ava maparty maviri aya. . .uyu Muzorewa takamuregera tichiti ava ndiye mukuru ari paunity nekuti haana kuzoti zviye zvandakataura kuti “I am a grandfather; take your children”. He did not, at the end, live up to that pledge, which he had made before.

Akazoti, “Haa ndini, ndavaPresident.”

Ahh! Ko Bible raita seiko nhai sekuru? manga muchiti ndimi sekuru. Ava vakabuda mujeri, ava vakabatana, ndinosiya zvenyika ndoenda kuBible. Zvino mavakuti Bible munerumwe ruwoko, politics munerumwe.

Zvikanzi: “Aihwa, ndava mukuru. Vanhu vanondida.”

Ahh, hapoka. Saka, kwakazoita ANC yaMuzorewa yakaramba ichienda mberi. Ipapo ndopatakachenjera nekuti dai takatendera zviri izvo, tainge tisina kumbowana nyika yedu nekuti vanaMuzorewa vaida kubatanidzwa nevarungu. Varungu vainge vachiri kubata maprazi edu ese pasina chavanotya.Saka, ipapo ndopakaitwa yandingati the resurrection of the armed struggle after Geneva tati kuna anaKaunda (nekuGeneva) mushure mekufa kwaChitepo, abata vakomana vedu. . .

Hanzi ndimi mauraya Chitepo. Vakomana vakanga vachitungamirira hondo, mirwi yacho; vanaKadungure, vanaTongogara nevamwe vakadaro. Saka, vaburitswa, kudivi redu, ndopakazovamba zvino hondo pachezvayo. Ndopakazova zvino nekubatana kuhondo kuti kudivi redu Zanu irarame; kudivi raVaNkomo Zapu irarame.

And from there on. . . 1976, 1978, 1979, Lancaster House tanga tavaPatriotic Front, real revolutionary partnership.

VanaMuzorewa, you know the story that happened naanaChikerema naanaNyandoro.So, that history must not be forgotten.

That strategy, clever strategy yatakaita, “kuramba takaminama”; veOAU vachiti hatichada kunzwa nezveZanu. Hatichada kunzwa nezveZapu. Isu takati aihwa, tisu tinoziva nezvenyika yedu. We will not give up our parties.

And true, they recognised our parties kuGeneva 1976, and the story then was won; of our struggle that we waged on both sides.

And that is history we should not forget. Takazoita real struggle yepfuti takarasikirwa nevakawanda, and along the way, kwese,  whether it was on the Zanu and Zapu sides. The recognition was that politics leads the gun. Hondo inenge iri hondo inotungamirirwa pakurongwa kwayo neparty. Varwi, vanotungamirirwa neparty.Pfungwa dzinobva kuparty kuti tinoda zvakadai, zvakadai. Imi rongai kuti tikurire muvengi.That must not be forgotten.

That must not be abandoned, even today, as we are in Government. We are in Government now, still, and even in a better way, as the Patriotic Front. The laws that are made come from the party, passed in Parliament and are obeyed by the Government.

The Government, which has the Ministry of Defence, the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Ministry of Intelligence and Security, all combined to defend the country, Internally, in respect of law and order. Externally, in respect of guarding our borders and staying ready, ready should we be attacked from outside.

This is how we are. This is how all governments are, and we want the situation to remain that way. We give immense respect to our defence forces. Most of those in leadership are persons we were with outside our country, and we continue to respect as revolutionaries. Yes, they will retire and we must find room for them in Government so they don’t languish, so they continue the struggle now, political struggle, together with all of us in the leadership of the country.

And this is what we expect to happen.

We, the rest, must continue to think not just of the present, but of those who fell, beginning with the gallant seven sons who fell here, in defence of our country, in defence of our revolution. I have visited the graves.

I would want the seven of them, all of them, because they are the ones who started on this side, the Zanu side, the armed struggle as we recognise it today, the guerilla struggle. I would want to recommend to the rest of our comrades in Government that we declare all the seven, as they lie there, national heroes and erect a monument there, inscribing their names.

Father Ribeiro has written a book on them. We thank him for it. He has researched about them and about their backgrounds and we thank him very much for it. He used to be our Chaplin in the prison in Harare.

Then, he was to come to us to hear difficulties we were having and say prayers with us and sing hymns. He composed quite a number of Catholic hymns with us. And he happens to be also the one in whose house Tekere and I hid, tanzi budai muyende kunze munoita basa rakasiiwa naVaChitepo.

Takagara mazuva akati kuti tiri mumba mavo nekuti kwese kumwe, the enemy would have found out and stopped us. But no, quietly, we stayed there and quietly we left, taakutakurwa naVaMahachi right out to Inyanga. It’s a story I have told. Tinomutenda zvikurukuru.

Be, as we have said before, people of principle, who believe this country is ours, that we are sovereign now. We are owners of the country; that we should defend and protect it.

So, how come, I ask, that some of you, who have farms have allowed whites to come back clandestinely and are farming? They are working on your farms as you spend time, perhaps, in Harare. Mapurazi arikurimwa nemabhunu. Komatadza kurima? Maakudzora mabhunu. Awandaka mapurazi akadaro munyika. Saka, vakambomhanya vachienda kuSouth Africa, zvino vadududza nenjere dzekuti ahh, nekuti takasiya gejo redu nematractors achiri kune mamwe mapurazi. Handei tichiti ahh, tinokurimirai. Zororai zvenyu. Tisu tovavarimi. So, what are you doing? Munofunga muri kuiteyi? Muri kuiteyi? Kuchenjera here ikoko? Huh? Mai Mugabe vanga vachikuudzai nenyaya yedhongi. Ini ndirikuda kukuudzai nyaya isiri yedhongi asi yengamera. Ngamera; maArab anokwirawo mangamera semakwiriro atinoita madhongi. Mumwe aiva nengamera yaaigaroshandisa, achikwira. Yakasvika nguva yekuti kunze kwakanga kwavakutonhora. Ngamera ikati, “Changamire, kunze kwandiri uku kwatonhora. Dai mangondibvumira kuisa gumbo chete mutende mamuri munodziya.”

Munhu akati, “Aah, gumbo chete? Kana ririgumbo chete isa zvako.”

Ngamera yaisa rimwe chete yakazoti, “Aah, hazviite kuti ndiise rimwe chete. Mungandibvumira kuti ndipamhidze kuisa rimwe? Zvikanzi, “Isa zvako. Asi ndizvozvo chete.”

Mumashure zvikanzi, “Aiwa (yasvimha misodzi), chokwadi kwatonhoresa. Regai ndingoise musoro chete.”

Zvikanzi: “ah wazonyanya kaiwe. Isa zvako.”

Zvikanzi: “Mazviona. Musoro chete kungodai unorwadza. Dai mandibvumira kuti ndiise musoro nomusana.”

Yaona kuti zvino yaisa makumbo, yaisa musoro, yaisa musana; yasimba, ndokubata muviri nouyo huruku! Abatwa! Akandwa kunze! Ngamera yapinda mutende! Ndoyaakudziya moto!

Rwaive rungano rwaive mumabhuku edu ekuchikoro. The story of a man and his camel. Ndozvamuri kuitwa, kuti “ingondibvumirai chete, ndauya kuzokurimirai”. Chido here? Ndiri kungotaura ndichida kukupai mazano. Ndiri kutaurawo, zvakare, semutungamiri wakamboona maitiro evarungu. Nezuro uno uyu, tabvumirana ku Lancaster nehurumende yaanaCarter kuti tichazonge tichitora mapurazi kupa kuvanhu vedu. Vakabvuma. Tikati munotenderwa kutipa rubatsiro rwekuti vana venyu vachati tipei compensation nekuti zvakaita kuti mapurazi edu abudirire takatenga equipment yakati kuti. Isu hatina mari yekuvapa.

Karewo, zvakarewo, hapana kodzero nekuti vakuru vedu havana kumbotengerwa mapurazi iwaya. Saka, nhasi uno, hatidi kunzwa muchiti ngavabhadharwe nesu.

Kubhadharwa?

Ivo vakatitorera nyika vasina kuitenga?

Aiwa, ndozvatakaramba navaNkomo izvozvo. Asi maBritish akati, “Aah, hongu, tichakupai mari yakati kuti yekuvapa. Asi, haikwane. Hurumende yeduwo haina mari yainayo ingakwanire basa iroro.”

Tikati kana isingakwane, musangano uno hauyenderere mberi. Isu tanga tatopedza mazuva akati kuti anotonge osvika one week yose tisingaita musangano kuLancaster.

MaAmericans ndiwo akazouya achiti, “Aah, inga manga makwanisa, manzwanana pane zvose. Zvino iyi nyaya yecompensation ndoyotadzisa kuti muchipedzisa musangano? America ichazokubatsiraiwo; yopamhidzira panenge pasiirwa nemaBritish.”

Tikati kana muchipamhidzira zvinokwana ndozvatinoda. Isu tinongoda chete kuti titore mapurazi edu, tipihwe mapurazi edu.

Zvecompensation kana mazvikwanisa, well and good.  Saka, hongu, patinova paIndependence yaive Carter administration hurumende yaCarter yekuAmerica.

Patakanga tava paIndependence yedu, taakuronga zvokupa vanhu minda, tatombopa vamwe, hezvo! Carter administration yakurirwa kuAmerica, vakurirwa pavote kwapinda Reagan; Reagan zvikanzi, “Aiwa. Muri maCommunist. Hatingarambe tichikupai mari.”

Tikati kondimi makapikira kuti muchatipa mari. Zvikanziwo, “Aiwa. Muri macommunist.”

Zvino takazoti apapa chionai.

Kwozouya vanaBlair. VanaBlair ndivo vakabva vati nyaya yekuti minda itorwe, aiwa, hatiyisapote. Zvatakabvumirana kuLancaster vakati aiwa, hatidi kuzvinzwa.

Zvikanzi isu tiri Labour Party.

Hatisi Conservative yamakanzwanana nayo. Tikati zvine musiyano here?

Government yenyika ikayenda muhurukuro, yosvika pakunzwanana neimwe nyika, vosunga chisungano ichocho, yazokurirwa neimwe, inosungirwa kucherechedzwa neimwe iri kuuya.

Successors are not only successors to the assets of a country, but also to the liabilities and obligations of a country.

Vanhu vaakuramba.

Tikati it’s a violation of international law. Haadi kuzvinzwa, Blair.

He was just a young man from the streets akanga asina background yakakwana, even yepolitics, let alone international law.

So, ndopandakazoti okay, ini handisi kuda nyika yako. Inyika yedu iyi. So, keep your England and we will keep our Zimbabwe.

Kumira panyaya dzekusimudzira nyika, kumira panyaya yekudefender nyika. Kwese kwamunoenda kwamunofanirwa kuenda, muhurukuro dzamunoita nevamwe kana muri mumusangano.

Ingava musangano yekuSadc, ingava musango yekuOAU, international organisations. . . mirirai nyika yenyu.

You are Zimbabweans, free Zimbabweans, revolutionary Zimbabweans and proud Zimbabweans.  Ndozvatiri. Tingave varombo pane izvi neizvi. Zvatisati tawana zvakawanikwa kare nenyika dzakabudirira, but the one thing that we must never let go is our freedom, ownership of our resources and our story, the legendary story of our struggle.

Vakuru vatinavo muPolitburo, muGovernment should recognise that the principle that made us succeed was one of unity.

Yes, there is the aspect of discipline and self-sacrifice, but underlining those ones is unity. Unity means we are together in mind, we are together in the way we operate in our positions. We are together in mind also means we should speak the same language.

We should always avoid speaking and acting against each other.

Kunyeyana, kuorganisirana. . .ndaiti kunaVaChipanga, you will certainly be getting vamwe vakuru vachiti tinoda muite zvekuti zvekuvasimbaradza ivo.

Nguva nenguva, I am sure you already have them. Vamwe they are your comrades; members of your province will say support us. Support us against the Chairman. Support us against so and so. Don’t listen to them!

Once you start listening to one party, then you are alienating the other side, and you are supporting division. You are supporting division, and that division will penetrate your organisation. And you will see your organisation, the Youth League divided.

It get’s divided in the provinces, and there is a split organisation altogether; from top to bottom. We don’t want to see that. We have avoided that as the ruling party.

There are factions, as you have heard. But we don’t allow those factions to prosper at the expense of the party and unity.

And we say stop it! Stop them! Stop them! And stop them again and again!

Discuss your differences; discuss them. Why don’t you discuss them?

Well, there is the issue that the President is going. I am not going. The President is dying. I am not dying. I thank God for having lived up to this day. I thank God for giving me good life. I will have an ailment here and there. I will go to the doctor like anyone else. But maorgans angu ese; my heart, my liver, mukati umu, they are very firm, very strong.

And recently, vakashama vanachiremba, and they said your bones are very strong. Ndikati ndiMwari. But muscles and bones must be assisted to be strong. For years, ndanga ndingori munhu anoramba achiita exercise the body; from prison to this day.

So, certainly, the bones are bound to be strong. Tinonamata kuti Mwari arambe achitipa hupenyu. But mukudaro, tinenge tichiziva kuti pangave pane vamwe vaneshungu yekuti dai vapindawo muhuPresident now. I accept that.

But I also think and recognise that having led the party for so long and having brought this kind of unity, a new man anyatsonzi hekani nevekuMDC kwana Tsvangirai, kuti vapinza munyowani.

Anenge asati azvipawo the same firm stature and the same acceptance as I have managed to secure over the years for the party. Saka, ndinenge ndichida kuona kuti is the situation ripe?

Ndichida kuonawo zvakare kuti are we united? Are those who are all my subordinates, all of them nemaministers. . .?

Ndoona kuti kwete. Vamwe vari divided tribally; vamwe vanoshorana: “Rwendo rwuno, hatidi vechiZezuru taakudawo kuti tipindewo isu.”

Once you have that kind of talk, you are not a uniting person at all. I don’t have that kind of talk. I am happy; when I am in Matabeleland, Midlands or in Manicaland, hapana kwandinoti ava havasi vangu.

So, develop that culture. Develop a culture that releases a principle that people are united. Sons and daughters in the struggle came from all provinces, and we did not discriminate against them. We did not allow them to look at each from a tribalistic point of view. No. Zimbabwe was the bond. Zimbabwe was their one and only country.

“We are fighting (this struggle) as Zimbabweans. We are fighting it so we can change Southern Rhodesia and call it Zimbabwe. Tine culture yedu yekuMasvingo; ndokuchabva zita redu.”

Tinoda kukutendai nekubatana kwamakaita mumaprovince, maprovince enyu.

Pamaprogrammes edu, takauuya gore rapera neprogramme yekuti tiite mubatira pamwe panyaya yekurima chibage.

Avo vari kunemvura kunyanya, huyai pamubatira pamwe; tichazotsvaga zvose zvekurimisa: seed, fertiliser, equipment pamwe chete.Saka, huyai tive nemusando wekubata Command (Agriculture) yedu mukubatana kwatakaita. Saka, ndiyo yatipa, zvino, goho ratakanga tisati taona. Ratiputsa musoro iye, zvino, kuti ko toisa kupi?

Hatina kunge tafunga patakafunga zvemubatiranwa uyu. Dai takafungawo zvekuti kana chibage ichi tachirima, tichaisa papi?

Ndinoziva kuti zvinotora nguva kuvaka masilos, asi tingadai takavamba kuvaka mamwe nekugadzirira nzvimbo ka.

Dai taitarisa kunaanaSouth Africa kuti nzvimbo dzimwe dzavanoita temporary structures vanodziita sei.

Hongu, taiti kare kana masilos edu azara, tovaka anenge matara pasi atinoisa mapango tichiwaridza chibage ipapo; choiswa mumatende achinochengetwa.

Asi, chinokwanisa kuchengetwa kwemakore maviri chete chiri mumatende aya chichispreyiwa kuti zvipfukuto zvisakanganise. Ndozvataiita kare izvozvo.

Kana iye zvino, tinozviita zvedu. Asi ka, zvichakwanisa here kutakura chibage chakawanda kudaro?

Saka, ngaive issue yekufunga kuti tochiisa kupi? Iye zvino, ndirikunzwa kuti masilos aya anenge akuzara, but tinofara.

Kuguta ikoko.

Kuguta; kuzvimbirwa kwataita.

Ndozvakanaka.

Vana vedu vachazvimbirwawo. Hatichazova nekutsvaka mbuva yemhuri nevana zvatakanga toita makore apfuura tichirohwa nezuva. Toitawo zvimwe zvirimwa. Command Agriculture iripayo. Iripowo yevanhu varikure nemadhamu, varikumaruzevha, vangadai varikuA1.

Ava tinokwanisa kuramba tichivapa rubatsiro rwePresidential Scheme.

Asi, zvirimwa ngazvipote zvichichinjawo; tichiti kana tikakwanisa kurima dzirimbambaira, kana dzingave mbeu dzinotipa mafuta, dzingave beans.

Ndaiti kune vamwe vangu musi uno uyu, ko tirikusemerei kurima rice? Dai tapindawo murice, zvekare, nekuti vanhu vedu vaakudya rice mazuva ose ose rokutenga. Tiri kuritenga makore ose. Tikagona kurima rice, ratingagone kudya isu zvedu, tichaona kuti hatizodyi rice rinotitorera mari yekutenga.

Zvingabatsira kwazvo.

Vamwe vaiti ko ngationeiwo zvinorimwa kunaanaEast Africa, kunaana West Africa secassava, tiedzewo kurima iyoyo zvakare parutivi.

Ehe, ngazviiedzwe. Vanaana mbambaira zvese tinozvida. Mbatatisi tinodzida. Saka, rimai. Rimai kana mvura iripo; kana minda iripo. Ndichidaro, ndinoramba ndichiti: Rimai murimi, rimai murimi. Kana usingagone kurima ka, tiudze tikuchekere munda uve mudiki.

Mbeu, mbeu, mbeu. . .dzinorimwawo futi. Kozotiwo livestock; mombe. Isu tinofunga kuti mombe ndedzekungochengeta zvaiitwa nevakuru vedu. Dzinongouya papurazi dzongoregerwa dzichinzi dzirikumafuro. Aiwa. Dzinosungirwa kuchengetwawo. Urikuda mombe dzerudzi rwupi?

Une hufuro here hwakakwana?

Unokwanisa here kudzigadzirira hufuro?

Huswa hunokwanisa kuchekwa huchiitwa mabhero kuti mombe dzizodya pachirimo. Tinokwanisawo kurima masora; masora aye anonzi anonunisa mombe, anoita kuti mombe dzikore kana wodzitengesa wowana mari iri pamusoro.

Isu tinenge tinenjere here dzekuti mombe dzedu tinofanirwa kudzichengeta nemutowo wokuti dzauya, matsiru aya, unoda kuti tsiru iri rive rinobereka nenguva, mhou dzive dzinobereka nenguva kwete kungochengeta chichengeto chisina huzivi hwemazuvano?

Tine mavet agents edu kuMinistry of Agriculture anokwanisa kubatsira.

Saka, haungoregera uchiti dzichawana mabhuru pakati apo. Haiwa, kune mabhuru. Dzinochengetwa kuine ruzivo rwekuti kwaita mhuru. This time, it should yield another calf panguva yakati. Mabhuru atinawo aya, mombe dzopihwa mabhuru dzichichatiswa. Ndozvazvinoitwa.

Saka, hatingodziregerera semhuka dzemusango. Pamhuka dzemusango, vakabata ikoko varikuti dzimwe dzacho dzawanda.

Ehe, takati dzinoda kutapudzwa. Tingape vamwe vanoda kuchengeta mhuka dzakadaro sedzedu, shamwari dzekunze.

Asi, hatina kuti ngatibva tatengesa zvuru nezvuru zvinosvika 2 000. Handizvo zvatakabvumirana. Tinoda kuona dzinonzi dzakawanda, kana dziri nzou.

Kwete kuti tonotapura nemagiraffe, antelope and so on; hatina kumbotaurirana izvozvo. Ngatidzigadzirireiwo kwadzinosungirwa kufura. Hongu, tinosungirwa kuona kuti hadzina kuwandisa here, asi ngationei kuti dzinenge dzawandisa ndedzipi? Rudzi rwupi? Ndodzatingatapure idzodzo.

Ndinoda kupedzisira ndichiti vakomana ndimi, nemadzimai, vatinoti musimboti weparty yedu.

So, when you demonstrate that you are working together and you can raise such crowds, we feel proud and we say to you well done. You are doing this good work.

Zvino ndonzwa kuti mayouth amwe anga arikuhurumende achiita basa varikunzi vachadzingwa.

Hatina kumboudzwa isu nyaya dzacho, and we don’t accept things like that.

The economy is recovering: Is that the time we should be dismissing/expelling our youth? What are we demonstrating, treating young men like that?

Tonzi tashaya mari iye zvino patiri kuti takuenda tichiva nehupfumi? Even kumamines; our minerals are yielding, now, more and more revenue for us. More gold; more platinum; more chrome; more platinum, etcetera. Please, reinstate those youths.

We never, never agreed on the issue of expelling so many youths, 2 000 of them.

Saka, whether it is the Ministry of Finance or the Ministry of Labour, please stop it.

On that note, I would like to say thank you for coming.

Tinotenda zvikurukuru.

VaMugabe vanozvikudza netsigiro yakadai. Asi ndinenge ndichiziva kuti itsigiro yandirikupihwa semutungamiri, yorega kuenda kumusoro kwangu and spoil me. No. I am a leader of the people. I must listen to your recommendations, to your grievances and see that your life and the life of our children is getting better and better.

Let’s look after our children.

They are the leaders of tomorrow.

They will take over not from us, but from the likes of anaChipanga, who, I hope, will live after us and continue our legacy.

The Zanu-PF legacy must continue; history must continue. The achievements of Zanu-PF must continue and be protected. Hupfumi hwevanhu haubatwe-batwe nevauyi.

Nyika ndeyenyu. Hupfumi ndehwenyu. Hausisiri hwemabhunu.

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SUZAN Del Gatto, the author of the book entitled; “Creating Balance in a World of Stress,” wrote that; “If you choose not to deal with an issue, then you give up your right of control over the issue and it will select the path of least resistance.”

This statement came to mind as the fifth leg of the Presidential Youth Interface Rallies took place in Chinhoyi yesterday. Before connecting the statement by Del Gatto to the highly successful rally which drew the biggest number of people since the rallies started, it is in order to give kudos to the Zanu-PF national youth secretary, Kudzanai Chipanga and his team.

The rallies have become just too intimidating. What must be worrying the opposition to death is the fact that the numbers at the rallies keep growing. The bumper crowd in Chinhoyi screamed right into the ears of the shivering opposition that “the rural vote is gone!”

Now back to the statement by Del Gatto. As the President and the First Lady spoke during the rally yesterday, it became clear that the time is up for the factions in Zanu-PF to sit down and talk. The time has come for G40 and Lacoste to have some coffee.

We know some are still very angry, we know some still think they have scores to settle and we know that egos won’t make finding each other easy, but Del Gatto warns that “If you choose not to deal with an issue, then you give up your right of control over the issue.” The factions should move fast otherwise soon, they will lose control of their differences. And once they lose control of their differences, Zanu-PF will be the biggest loser.

President Mugabe put it aptly when he said: “There are factions as you have heard but we don’t allow those factions to prosper at the expense of the party and unity and we say stop it, stop them, stop them and stop them again and again. Discuss your differences, discuss them. Why don’t you discuss them?”

When the President gives such wise advice, surely we should take heed. If we can’t listen to the President when he talks, maybe we will listen when he walks.

One writer once said: “The ability to sit down with another person and talk for hours, about anything and everything, is more attractive to me than anything else.” How about Vice-President Mnangagwa, the Minister of Higher and Tertiary Education, Professor Jonathan Moyo and Zanu-PF national commissar Cde Saviour Kasukuwere sitting down to discuss their differences as the President urged?

We know this may not be a popular suggestion considering that tempers may still be high and we know that some will accuse us of being compromised advisors, but even bloody wars ended right at the table. Sworn enemies eventually sit down and iron out their differences.

There is nothing for to be ashamed of. There is nothing to be pompous about. And there is nothing humiliating about it. There is no defeat. This is about Zanu-PF. Individualism and big-headedness won’t take the party anywhere, especially with elections coming in 2018.

The tone by the President and the First Lady at the rally yesterday was enough to warn those with political ears that the possibility of things spiralling out of control were very high. The warning shots were fired and if something does not give in between now and the next rally, grief may visit some people soon in fatal dosages.

Let’s remember “pride makes us artificial and humility makes us real.” Also, “it was pride that changed angels into devils; it is humility that makes men angels.”

We hope Professor Moyo will stop tweeting Zanu-PF issues and we hope he will stop washing party linen on social media. We hope Cde Kasukuwere will act mature and we hope the VP knows that there is nothing much to gain in continuing the clash with Professor Moyo.

The Zanu-PF youths are doing a wonderful job with those intimidating rallies, let’s not spoil their efforts. If the elders are the ones behaving like kindergarten kids, refusing to sit down to resolve their differences, who will guide the youths? Can we blame the youths when they start behaving bad?

Maybe this is a suggestion too soon, but then “sometimes there is no next time, no second chance, no time out. Sometimes it is now or never.”

Cartoon

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Teddie Bepete
A country that honours falsehoods will itself fall victim to the same falsehoods. A nation that forgets its founding past will definitely lose its way. Colonialism should never be forgotten.

A few weeks ago, a certain critic approached me with the accusation that I was too truthful for a political writer. I was shocked.

‘’This is a game of lies,’’ he challenged. I instantly begged to differ.

I told him, “No matter how many lies you amass, they can never change the world. Although lies may give a false sense of victory to the liar, truth shall always prevail over a Pyrrhic victory.”

Colonialism tried as much to justify its existence in Africa by institutionalising certain myths and stereotypes to disparage Africans into believing in its eventuality.

But when time for truth came, all those falsehoods came to naught. Truth is the cornerstone of all successful, ideal revolutions.

Zimbabwe won its freedom from slavery after a bloody war, an uprising strictly guided by virtues of uprightness and good morals — values whose observance guaranteed the revolutionaries victory.

Apart from his vast intellectual weight, President Mugabe won the people’s hearts because of his wisdom and integrity.

He has always stood for truth. He has never been proud; that is why he achieved leadership of the struggle. To achieve, one has to be wise. Knowledge without wisdom is like water in sand. And the proud have no room for wisdom.

He imprinted this legacy in his landmark speech on April 17, 1980: ‘‘Democracy is . . . 3and should remain disciplined rule requiring compliance with the law and social rules. Our independence must thus not be construed as an instrument vesting individuals or groups with the right to harass and intimidate others into acting against their will. It is not the right to negate the freedom of others to think and act as they desire.’’

All those who fought during the liberation war armed with an arm’s length of real grievances did so on the foundations of virtue.

A country that honours falsehoods will itself fall victim to the same falsehoods. A nation that forgets its founding past will definitely lose its way.

Colonialism should never be forgotten. We can only determine our beautiful tomorrow out of the bitter prejudices of our past.

Recriminations can only lead us to another Libya and another Iraq. We are an infant nation bidding to survive in a hostile world. We can only survive if we are harmoniously united.

Our freedom can only be guaranteed if we achieve — in a generation — what the developed world achieved in 300 years.

Remember, when brothers fight to death, a stranger inherits their father’s estate. It is a pity that some circles in the private media are already anticipating instability in Zimbabwe.

We cannot slide back to another war for selfish economic, material reasons. Nothing apart from truth can iron out the criss-crosses of this conundrum.

Those who gave their lives for no material gain would not permit calamity to befall their hard-won Zimbabwe. Their memories prepare us to add our souls to that pedestal of truth. It was the founding aspiration of our struggle to gain an utopia.

Dr Edison Zvobgo once remarked during the struggle, ‘‘We do not want a socio-legal order in the country in which people are petrified; in which people go to bed having barricaded their doors and their windows because someone belonging to the Special Branch of the police will break into their houses. This is what we have been fighting against. This is why we are in this revolution for as long as it is necessary to abolish this system.’’

What our heroic guerrillas fought for was a land bereft of despair, a land pregnant with hope. A land where peace, progress, love, respect, justice and equality; not the opposite. We must measure our liberation journey in accordance with the fulfilment of these aspirations.

In 1986, Dr Joshua Nkomo bemoaned corruption: ‘‘And one of the worst evils we see today is corruption. The country bleeds today because of corruption.’’

We can only get together if we observe love and humility. And we should pick a nugget from Cuban revolutionary Che Guevara who said, ‘‘The true revolutionary is guided by a great feeling of love.’’

The people of Zimbabwe need to be respected for without them, the revolution could not have succeeded. Our revolutionaries succeeded because they had taken heed of Chairman Mao’s teaching that guerilla fighters were the fish and the people the water.

Historian Maxwell Chirimuhanzu commented, ‘‘Revolutions are founded by the people, not by individuals.’’

Therefore, revolutions such as ours are a product of the whole spectrum of the people; involving their culture, religion, economic activities and environment. This natural aspect of our journey has to be respected.

The journey of the martyred heroes should render an unfading badge of honour to our country.

Herbert Hoover once remarked, ‘‘When there is lack of honour in government, the morals of the whole people are poisoned.’’

How far, as a people, have we treasured and sustained this honour for posterity? Are we treading the original path beset by the blood-written ethos of the liberation struggle? Issues pertaining to the rigmarole of succession should never take this nation to limbo.

President Mugabe made it categorically clear in the past when he said, ‘‘Grooming a successor, is it an inheritance? In a democratic party, you don’t want leaders appointed that way. They have to be appointed properly by the people.’’

Unite and stand as a people with an already defined course of life, and let love flourish in a time of hate as a paramount revolutionary bearing.

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Lerato D Mataboge
Changes in the global trading landscape have resulted in reduced flows of foreign direct investment from the rest of the world to developing countries, and to Africa in particular.

Recovery in the sluggish global economy is slow and uncertain, with the risk of further shocks driven by factors including geo-political security risks and conflict, the rise of populism and populist economic rhetoric and policies, and the commodities slump.

Since June 2014, the prices of Africa’s key export commodities have fallen sharply. This has had a negative impact on the fortunes of many African economies, as the continent is heavily reliant on commodity exports.

Against this backdrop the only realistic hope for realising the “Africa Rising” narrative lies in ensuring that Africans invest in each other’s economies for the transformation, participation and economic emancipation of our people.

The time is right for Africa’s business and government leaders to look at intra-continental resource mobilisation for strategic investments and projects that build much-needed infrastructure and help the African continent to industrialise.

While there has been some progress — the African Development Bank estimated that intra-African trade grew from 10 percent to 16 percent between 2000 and 2014 — it remains well below that of other regions, and is arguably Africa’s most underutilised growth opportunity.

This current policy context is conducive to accelerating this. Almost all of the continent’s economies have prioritised industrialisation more broadly as the key to unlocking economic growth and job creation potential.

This prioritisation brings with it inherent rewards, but also potential challenges. The latter will emerge where African economies do not cooperate and collaborate effectively to leverage each other’s strengths, choosing instead to compete with one another.

The rewards will be realised through African economies forming partnerships and creating manufacturing value chains and cross-border infrastructure in their respective regions and throughout the continent.

Manufacturing value-chains and cross-border infrastructure will enable Africa to be a sizeable player in the global trading and supply-chain arena, while bolstering intra-Africa trade.

The increase of intra-Africa investments in manufacturing and infrastructure projects has become a prerequisite to increasing the low levels of intra-Africa trade. Africans need to invest in each other’s economies to demonstrate confidence in the current global economic climate.

Build in African content

Africa is not a poor continent. Financial resources abound in African private and institutional hands. These resources need to be crowded in and channelled to bankable projects on the continent.

One way of incentivising such resource mobilisation is for African content to be built in to projects being rolled out on the continent.

Such content could be in the form of Africa-originating financing, services and inputs.

Inherent in this African investment facilitation is much-needed socio-economic transformation of our continent, premised on good corporate citizenship by home-grown African investors. — African Business Magazine

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Clemence Machadu Insight
But why are banks not lending to other sectors such as the informal sector? Is it because informal players do not have money?Howdy folks!

There has been an inverse relationship between the levels of bank deposits and loans over the past few years. As deposits have been steadily rising, loans and advances have ironically been on the decline.

Loans and advances are at their lowest since December 2014, declining from US$4,06 billion in March 2015 to US$3,591 billion in March 2017.

Bank deposits are, however, at their highest since January 2011. They increased from US$4,4 billion in December 2011 to US$6,55 billion in March 2017, representing a 49 percent increase.

One of the reasons why deposits have sort of flattened is because loans have taken a dip. You see, loans also create deposits.

Money that is loaned to you is deposited into your account and becomes a deposit. The decline in loans, therefore, has also resulted in deposits increasing at a decreasing rate.

In light of the above, one will still be justified to ask why banks are hitting the brakes on lending when deposits are growing. However, what should be understood most is that the biggest constraint to lending is the basic business architecture of banking itself.

Banks do not really lend for charity as we sometimes wish them to. They, rather, lend to make a profit and they only lend where they have an assured level of certainty that the money will be paid back in full and profitably.

If lending is too risky and the envisaged profits are too low, then banks will consider investing their money in other safer projects. Remember, the money they use belongs to depositors and other creditors, and they have to make sure kuti havaisungirire pagumbo reingwe.

While Treasury believes that the decline in lending is largely attributable to prudential and cautious lending by banks as well as acquisition of non-performing loans by the Zimbabwe Asset Management Company, we can further get a glimpse of why banks are not lending by dissecting the metabolism of banks’ most favourite customer when it comes to lending.

Last year, the distribution of loans and advances continued to be skewed towards individuals, with salary-backed loans accounting for 29 percent, followed by agriculture and distribution at 16.7 percent and 15,4 percent, respectively.

This means 67 percent of loans and advances go to these three groups, which shows a significant level of lending concentration.

But banks’ favourite client is an individual who earns a regular salary. Banks mainly concentrate their lending to salary-backed loans because they have a higher probability of repayment.

Most banks actually get their money before it is even deposited into the employee’s account. Money that is borrowed by civil servants, for instance, can be deducted by the Salary Service Bureau before being deposited into their accounts.

To increase the probability of repayment, only those in permanent employment are usually considered for salary-based loans and the average net pay usually considered is US$500.

But why are banks not lending to other sectors such as the informal sector? Is it because informal players do not have money?

Have you forgotten that report which established that not less than US$7 billion flows in the informal sector, and that figure is probably much higher now?

I believe there is a missing link there, which the Credit Reference Bureau has come to address.

In his latest Annual Budget Review, Finance and Economic Development Minister Patrick Chinamasa said operationalisation of a credit reference system is expected to improve information sharing, thereby reducing credit risk and, hence, the level of non-performing loans.

The Credit Registry, which went live at the beginning of January 2017, had captured at least 60 percent of the total banking sector loan records as at March 31, 2017.

The system will allow lenders and those who sell their products and services on credit to access good customers.

Customers with a good credit background will obtain credit on better terms. As alluded to above, banks are concentrating their lending on a small enclave of the population, mainly composed of secured loans which allow them to sell collateral when worse comes to worst, and civil servants because they know they can easily get the money through the SSB.

Banks hitherto didn’t know about the characteristics of other clients to enable them to come up with packages that suit such categories.

Now, they are able to widen that important understanding, and it will enhance lending confidence in the financial sector. I also think that the establishment of the Credit Bureau will change the architecture of lending and skew it towards the “unusual suspects” in the new normal.

Once the system starts working to the satisfaction of lenders, I see unsecured personal loans increasing, as banks use someone’s credit history as “collateral” when lending.

Again, I see lending to the informal sector increasing; because at the moment, most requirements for loans applications are compatible with a highly formalised economy, which we are not.

In Zimbabwe, only five percent of the working population is employed in the formal economy, with the remaining percentage in the informal sector.

So, where can they be expected to get the payslips or HR approvals from? After this, more credible clients from the informal sector will certainly start accessing loans.

The Bureau, if run efficiently, will also ease banks’ financial risks as they will now be able to first check whether the client is solvent or not before providing them with loans, which decreases the probability of bad debts.

But it is also very important to have an aggressive real time management of data, and the system has to always be online, with all players connected all the time.

Otherwise, it will be of no use. This comes as Government is also putting measures in place to reduce its domestic borrowing, which is likely to redirect resources to lending to productive sectors.

In the Annual Budget Review, Minister Chinamasa highlighted that failure to contain the budget deficit and borrowing requirements has serious economic and financial implications, especially when support to development expenditures to stimulate production is insignificant.

The issue was also raised by the International Monetary Fund in its latest report on Zimbabwe.

The IMF actually called on Zimbabwe to implement measures that foster fiscal consolidation and avoid more domestic borrowing as it was crowding out the private sector.

Government should continue working on more measures that reduce risk and raise confidence in the financial sector, to open the floodgates of lending.

Later folks!

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