Howdy folks!
I should confess that I don’t only love writing for The Sunday Mail, but also enjoy reading it.
And, some fortnight ago, I was saddened to read Tendai Chara’s piece titled “Tourists fear one of Zim’s finest destinations”.
The story said the number of tourists who visit Nyanga has fallen to an all-time low, although Zimbabwe recorded a nine percent hike in the number of tourist arrivals last year.
How does one reconcile this lethargic phenomenon?
Folks, Nyanga is just a wonderful place, to say the least! I was there in the month of the goat last year, and Nyangombe Falls still strikes me.
Let me tell you a little story that transpired some donkey years ago.
The year was 1896 and Cecil John Rhodes, that erstwhile colonial master, after visiting Nyanga for the first time, was compelled to write to his agent.
“Dear McDonald, Inyanga is much finer than you described … Before it is all gone, buy me quickly up to 100 000 acres, and be sure to take in the Pungwe Falls.”
So intrigued was Rhodes that he went on to build a holiday cottage which was later converted into a hotel in 1933. Rhodes Nyanga Hotel exists to this day.
Everyone loves Nyanga!
But then, it begins to boggle the mind why the rising tourism tides did not lift the Nyanga boat; just why are tourists not going to Nyanga?
Chara quoted Nyanga Rural District Council CEO Mr Zefania Jaravaza explaining: “In the past few years, we have had several tourists disappearing without trace in the Nyangani Mountain, earning us bad publicity in the process. As a result of the (bad) publicity, tourists are shying away from Nyanga.”
Just look at it folks, bad publicity is now one threat that is wreaking havoc to the entire tourist attraction areas in “Rhodes’ paradise” of Nyanga.
This is not just a tourism sector disease.
Reputation matters in every business, folks.
Proverbs 22:1 says, “A good reputation is more desirable than great wealth.”
What we learn from the sad Nyanga story is that a little leaven can leaven the entire lump.
Investors can shun the entire Sunshine City, for instance, simply because of one incident of stinking corruption by one company.
But the main issue falls within the four corners of crisis management.
Corporate Zimbabwe must urgently rethink the processes by which it deals with major events that threaten to harm it, stakeholders or the general public.
In this era where various social media platforms are proliferating every now and then, giving anyone access to air their views to many people, brands are left vulnerable to more threats, real or perceived — be it rumours, workplace violence, employee dismissals, management misconduct, natural disasters, cyber-attacks, industrial accidents, civil or political unrest, you name it.
In Zimbabwe, it is unfortunate to note that the role of crisis communication to the life-blood of companies is often underestimated, albeit integral.
Yet we see potential threats manifesting wherever we set our eyes on, irrespective of sector.
For instance, just look at how most workplaces are very unsafe and unhealthy as can be seen from our country’s Lost Time Injury Frequency Rate (LTIFR), which is an indicator of how safe and healthy workplaces are.
A workplace with a high LTIFR (of one and above) is deemed unsafe.
The National Social Security Authority found the 2014 edition of LTIFR to be an abysmal 2,27, which is way above the acceptable standard of below one.
The situation is aggravated by the fact that only 18 percent of our local companies have an occupational, health and safety policy in place.
Surely, this only points to looming crisis waiting to strike.
Organisations are, therefore, called upon to put in place robust systems to checkmate potential risks.
We do not want corporates that are reactive by waiting for ascertainable threats to escalate and explode and then start running around like headless chickens.
We will continue to lose potential investment and other opportunities if we do not manage the way we look at crisis management.
It does not matter what level the crisis has progressed to; it can still be managed with a view to restoring sustainable relations with stakeholders who support your business.
Otherwise if those relationships are muddied, you cannot expect your business to continue thriving on a sustainable basis.
What is, however, disappointing is how most organisations and public relations executives live in cloud cuckoo land, being ignorant of the potential threats facing their businesses and industries at large.
There are those who may actually know their potential risks but without systems in place to effectively avert such threats.
Then there are some who may have such systems in place, nonetheless untested to see whether they will work as intended in the event of a crisis attack.
How many times have we read about our local municipality’s fire brigade arriving at scenes without water?
Some businesses don’t even know what the media are saying about their brands on social media.
Some may know but just don’t give a damn.
Yet all these conversations shape the manner in which people view a product or service, and might subsequently compel customers to change their preferences.
Whether you like it or not, people are always talking about your brands these days and sharing their experiences in using it.
Those who choose to ignore such interactions also leave stakeholders in a vacuum where they are prone to make their own conclusions, which may be far from the truth as in most instances.
We are at a defining moment as a nation, as we try to rebuild our economy to levels that even surpass its glory days.
And most of the investment that we are trying to attract is coming from very far places, from people who are out of touch with what is happening in our country.
These are people who can believe just about anything that they hear in the absence of authoritative truths that counter negative things that are often speculated by our nation’s detractors.
We, therefore, cannot expect to progress as a nation without robust crisis management systems in place, both in business and Government, which equip entities to withstand threats to their survival.
The advantage of being aware of potential threats is that it can put an organisation in a better position to take early action, and hence avoid more serious problems.
Some organisations elsewhere have also learnt that appropriate planning for potential sector-wide crises actually gave them the upper-hand over competitors that were not prepared.
In light of the above, Corporate Zimbabwe must start to evaluate itself and start to invest more in building and strengthening crisis preparedness and response mechanisms.
If incapacitated to do that, it can always find help from experts.
Organisations like Magna Carta Zimbabwe are actually in the business of helping organisations with customised crisis management tool-kits.
While the sad story of our beloved Nyanga should give some hindsight on the indispensability of dynamic crisis management systems, the onus remains in Corporate Zimbabwe’s court to implement it.
Later folks!
Cde Jane Lungile Ngwenya was one of the female pioneers of Zimbabwe’s nationalist politics, occupying leadership positions at the formation of the African National Congress in the 1950s and, subsequently, the National Democratic Party. She was also among the first leaders of Zapu at its formation in 1961. The Sunday Mail’s Chief Reporter Kuda Bwititi spoke to Cde Ngwenya as President Mugabe met national liberation war veterans in Harare last Thursday.
Below is Cde Ngwenya in her own words.
***
Veteran nationalist Cde Jane Ngwenya arrives for President Mugabe’s meeting with war veterans in Harare last Thursday.(Picture by Justin Mutenda)
Born in Buhera on June 15, 1935, I became involved in politics as a teenager. My political activities continued during the trade unionism of the 1950s when blacks demonstrated against whites over ill-treatment and poor working conditions and remuneration.
I then joined full time politics at the ANC’s formation.
My involvement with politics led my husband and I to divorce as he was unhappy with the Rhodesian police always knocking at our door.
His mind couldn’t envelope how a woman could bring so much trouble to the family.
I was to join the National Democratic Party, becoming the only woman elected into the 65-member national executive.
The NDP was later banned and Zapu became my home from 1961. We travelled the length and breadth of the country, canvassing support.
As our and Zanu’s popularity grew, political temperatures soared, with the Rhodesians feeling our impact and subsequently establishing detention camps to curtail our activities.
I was detained at Grey Street Prison – now Bulawayo Prison – Wha Wha Detention Centre in Gweru and then Gonakudzingwa.
From detention, I left to organise Zapu activities in Zambia.
I was meant to go to Canada on a scholarship, but opted to remain in Lusaka, Zambia organising things alongside fellow comrades like Edward Ndlovu and Jason Moyo after Chikerema had left Zapu to form Frolizi.
I also worked closely with Dr Joshua Nkomo, Father Zimbabwe.
We mobilised comrades to join the armed struggle and travelled to countries such as China and Russia to source ammunition and other support.
I remember several incidents that took place during that period. Ethan Dube was kidnapped by Selous Scouts in 1973: I was there with him.
It was not easy for me, naturally, as a woman. I was tortured several times by the Rhodesians and became the first woman to have both hands and legs shackled.
This was after we had demonstrated against the regime in 1965.
Further, I was among the Zapu leaders who attended the Lancaster House Conference of 1979, and served in the majority Government before retiring from active politics.
I still follow politics, proffering advice when approached.
Meeting President Mugabe
The war veterans’ meeting with President Mugabe was historic; one of the most important events since Independence in 1980.
It made us reflect a lot. There was a lot of nostalgia. I bumped into comrades I had last seen in the 1960s.
As war veterans, we sometimes feel we are not accorded the respect we deserve.
Yes, we accept that life has to go on, and war veterans should not be on the agenda all the time. However, we should not feel that being a war veteran is a curse.
People should not forget that we want the best for Zimbabwe because that is precisely what we fought for and will always fight for.
The President is a person who understands us and identifies with us and our history. So, getting an audience with him was, in itself, very significant.
His pronouncement that we are now going to meet annually marked a new beginning that I am sure will open up a lot of good things for Zimbabwe.
I strongly feel that if we had been having such meetings, some of the things that have been happening in the party could have been avoided.
There were issues we could have easily deliberated on and found ways of resolving without resorting to drastic action.
That meeting made me realise that there are enemies in our midst.
Enemies come in different ways, but the best way to confront them is through unity. So, Thursday’s meeting was all about unity.
War veterans united with one voice and told the President issues they feel need to be addressed in Zanu-PF; unwarranted expulsions need to stop.
I felt the meeting invoked the spirit of the liberation struggle.
It made me think back on the meetings we held as Zapu in the 1960s, travelling across the country to mobilise the people around the one goal of achieving independence.
The meeting also proved that we need to unite in order to confront our challenges, the immediate ones being the economy and detractors.
I was happy that President Mugabe made it clear that people should not come to him with rumours and denigrate others and that differences between individuals must instead be tabled to find resolution.
In coming days, Zimbabwe celebrates its 36th Independence Day anniversary. I hope everyone will reflect on its importance, realising that unity of purpose won it for us.
We also need unity of purpose to confront the challenges we face as a country today.
STEM is a curriculum based on the idea of educating students in four specific disciplines – Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics – in an interdisciplinary and applied approach.
Much of STEM has its origins as far back as 2008 under UN initiatives, with a number of countries adopting it in 2009. Zimbabwe only adopted it under Higher and Tertiary Education Minister Professor Jonathan Moyo’s euphoria last year.
The STEM wave is reverberating in the Press and in the corridors of tertiary education.
Professor Moyo’s STEM is nothing more than the recent announcement that “students registering for Advanced Level subjects at public schools are going to get free education as Government will cover their full school and boarding fees”.
According to a statement made by Prof Moyo, schools that register full lower Sixth STEM classes in 2016 stand a chance to win a cash prize of $100 000 and a bus.
However, the idea of starting to apply STEM at Lower Sixth is defective, ill-conceived and unproductive.
Rather than teach the four disciplines as separate and discrete subjects, under normal circumstances, STEM integrates them into a cohesive learning paradigm based on real-world applications.
Further, there has not been any baseline survey to inform the introduction of STEM and neither is there a clear implementation policy, let alone a committee on STEM education working to create a joint national strategy for implementation.
While STEM support is available from international donors, it is not adequate for successful, effective and efficient national implementation.
Zimbabwe does not have any national budgetary funds for STEM education or for increasing public and youth STEM engagement, improving the STEM experience for students, and designing better education for the STEM workforce.
Both the Ministries of Primary and Secondary Education, and that of Higher and Tertiary Education do not offer any STEM-based programmes, let alone research programmes with a STEM emphasis.
They also do not offer any STEM grant selection programmes and general programmes that support STEM education.
It is, therefore, puzzling for any level-headed Zimbabwean to expect the success of STEM under such an anachronistic and shambolic situation.
The Obama administration’s 2014 budget invested $3,1 billion in federal programmes on STEM education, yet we are naïve to expect success from a zero budget.
Investments must be made to recruit and support STEM teachers, as well as support STEM-focused primary and high schools with STEM Innovation Networks.
There is also need for a national budget into advanced (university) research projects for education, to better understand next-generation learning technologies.
Sadly, most of our universities have become little more than celebrated high schools with very little funds allocated for research.
The Government is struggling to pay teachers and lecturers their meagre salaries – a situation which further militates against successful implementation of STEM.
One major weakness in our implementation matrix is that we have not clearly examined the importance of STEM education beyond the vague rhetoric of “science and technology skills in various facets of the economy, something that has even been highlighted in the Zim Asset economic plan”.
We have not clearly defined how we will meet our need and even that need has not been clearly unravelled without schematic abstractions and generalisations.
By 2009 in America, rigorous research had revealed the need for 8,65 million workers in STEM-related jobs such as manufacturing, computing, traditional engineering, physical sciences, life sciences and mathematics.
In the UK, the Royal Academy of Engineering reports that the Brits has to graduate 100 000 STEM majors every year until 2020 just to meet demand.
According to the report, Germany has a shortage of 210 00 workers in the mathematics, computer science, natural science and technology disciplines.
On the contrary, Zimbabwe has no specific targets and the implementation matrix is only haphazard.
Zimbabwe is also lacking in blended learning and is merely focusing on Lower and Upper Six education.
Under normal circumstances, STEM should be separated from the traditional science and maths education by the blended learning environment that shows students how science can be applied to everyday life.
It teaches students computational thinking and focuses on the real world application of problem solving.
STEM education should begin when the students are very young.
At primary level, STEM education should focus on the introductory courses as well as awareness of the STEM fields and occupations.
This initial step should provide standards-based and real world problem-based learning, connecting all four of the STEM subjects.
The goal should be to intrigue students’ interest so that they will want to pursue the courses.
There should also be an emphasis on bridging in-school and out-of-school STEM learning opportunities.
At Forms One to Four, the courses should become more rigorous and challenging.
Student awareness of STEM fields and occupations should still be pursued, as well as the academic requirements of such fields.
Student exploration of STEM-related careers should begin at this level, particularly for O-Level.
At A-Level, the programme of study should focus on the application of the subjects in a challenging and rigorous manner.
Courses and pathways should now be available in STEM fields and occupations, as well as preparation for post-secondary education and employment.
More emphasis should be placed on bridging in-school and out-of-school STEM opportunities.
It important to note that STEM education can only improve within the broader framework of the education system in Zimbabwe, and non-STEM subjects.
The current curriculum review does not clearly show this and neither has it seriously consulted teachers and industry on important educational reforms.
l would say that indeed, the more things change, the more they remain the same.
Such educational reforms will have limited longevity, applicability and sustainability in the fast moving world of the 21st century.
Government should mellow down to a more constructive approach permeable to rigorous research.
The curriculum review has been opaque and narrow in consultation while in its present form; STEM is a tissue of misrepresentation, a monumental educational injustice, and a prescription for the wrong educational disease.
The earlier the Government realises that the prescription is worse than the disease, the better.
Dr Takavafira Zhou is the president of the Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe.
I first met Herbert at Adams College in Natal near Durban, South Africa.
He was doing his Matric, and I my Diploma in Teaching. We would meet at student houses, and for some time, we actually lived in the same student house and met often.
The year must have been 1942 or 1943.
During that time, we had college debates and I was always fortunate to debate on issues in which he participated. I could tell from my first encounters with him that he was one of the best students.
He debated knowledgeably and articulately. He was clearly academically gifted.
He also played tennis very well, and I appreciated this very much. I watched him play; I appreciated him more. He was one of the few students from the then Rhodesia, with the likes of Samkange and Dumbutshena.
After Adams College, he went to Fort Hare for a Bachelor of Arts degree. Although we lived far apart, we kept in touch. He later went to London to study Law.
He then came back for some time and taught at St Augustine’s Mission.
We got married in Durban on November 29, 1955 – a joyous occasion that drew many. We had known each other for over 10 years before marrying.
He had been migrating to different places, as I remained in South Africa.
So, since 1955, we started living in Zimbabwe together. I still have that house in Highfield.
The suburb was a hotbed of political activity because many people who lived there rose against colonial oppression.
On my part, I organised women to march in protest.
I also co-ordinated care for detainees who were in prisons in places like Marondera and Sikhombela.
I was obviously inspired by Herbert. He was very popular, and defended Africans taken to court by the regime.
George Nyandoro and James Chikerema were among those he defended. They would come to our house to discuss.
As the first black qualified lawyer, he was duty-bound to defend his colleagues. It would have been awkward for a white man to represent blacks.
Of course, there were risks; we would hear that he was going to be arrested. Nonetheless, he always drew strength from his colleagues and those he defended in court.
It must be remembered that he was the first trained lawyer in Zimbabwe before he became an advocate.
This made him aware of the discrimination around. The experience he got working outside the country also shaped him. He worked for a long time in Tanzania where he dealt with the laws of a free Tanzania. These were completely different from the laws of Rhodesia.
His nature would have influenced him to be part of those who wanted to stop this discrimination.
At home, he always liked reading. He would read literature on his profession daily. He also liked African newspapers.
He, however, disliked gossips. Most of all, he hated discrimination. There were silly things like, “You cannot use the same door as the white man, or blacks are prohibited from certain streets.”
Herbert was averse to all discriminatory laws and he always said he would play his part to end such oppression.
The call
He loved his family and friends. There was always this very loud laughter whenever he met someone he knew very well.
For instance, he got very excited whenever he talked about Robert Mugabe or Joshua Nkomo.
It was his commitment to the struggle that I admired most about him.
In Tanzania, he was invited by the government to become chief prosecutor. He was the prosecutor-general as it were.
Remember, we spent nearly 19 years outside the country, living in Tanzania, but he left after five years on the job. He had a contract, which would expire after five years in 1965.
That is when Cde Mugabe and others in detention asked him not to renew the contract. I had personally travelled to Sikombela to inform them that Herbert was finishing. They, in turn, told me that they wanted him to relieve himself of that job so that he would come and lead the country’s liberation.
I had travelled from Tanzania to see them. The journey was particularly difficult. Even the driver was afraid Rhodesian police would pounce. I didn’t have a car and needed someone to drive me to Sikombela.
So, I drove with the young man in a small Volkswagen, straight to Bulawayo where we met Dr Silas Mundawarara, who gave us directions to the place.
I wanted to buy bread for the comrades, but this young man warned me that having bread would clearly indicate to the police (if we met them) that I was going to see the detainees.
I changed my mind.
The comrades were all excited when we arrived. I remember this great deal of excitement. We got down talking while seated on benches.
It was a very emotional talk.
I remember Cdes Mugabe, Muzenda, Leopold Takawira, Zvobgo, Ndabaningi Sithole and others were there. I told them about the main reason for my visit: Herbert’s contract was ending.
They unanimously said he must not renew the contract. He must return to lead the struggle, they told me.
It was an honour that they thought so highly of my husband.
I went back and told Herbert what the comrades had said. He did not think twice: He said he was prepared to die in the struggle.
It was an easy decision for him to return home.
I, however, remained in Tanzania, teaching and with the children. I taught at boarding schools that offered accommodation and convenience with the children.
Our children were still young when he left on January 1, 1966. The eldest was about 10 years old.
He visited occasionally. Sometimes we just met him at the airport, to say goodbye basically. There were also days when he had meetings with Nyerere. He would then come to see us for a day or two.
When he went to places like Nigeria or attended conferences, he came to Tanzania, which was an office that managed virtually all African political movements fighting for independence.
We listened to the news and read newspapers to follow his political activities back home.
Murder most foul
His death in 1975 came as a blow to us. I don’t remember that last day I saw him. I honestly can’t remember.
I actually heard about it on radio at lunch time that he had died. I was at teaching in Moshi, which is far from Tanzania’s capital, Dar es Salaam.
The office in Dar es Salaam told me they had received the sad news.
Two days later, we travelled to Lusaka, Zambia, for the funeral after the office in Tanzania had made arrangements.
It was unfortunate Cde Mugabe and others were not there to bury their colleague because they were in prison.
In Lusaka, we were taken to State House.
I never really bothered myself with the part about who killed him. It never really bothers me. I was not there when it happened. So, it would have been unfair for me to speculate.
I have read books written about Rhodesians who have said they planned his death. I found the information to be revealing and these books are out there for anyone who wants to read and know what could have happened.
Also, there is a report by the Zambian government. I have never followed up to say, “Ndiani, ndiani? Who killed Chitepo?”
When you are fighting a war with the British, how would I know who of the people killed him? It is something I try not to think about. There are whites who have written books saying they did it.
That is up to them, not me. I have read one of the books, and took that information as it was. I am very proud that my husband died in the struggle. It has been 40 years, but I am happy that he was one of the people who contributed to give us the independence we enjoy today.
Even though it is sad that he is gone, I feel proud that he died for a worthy cause.
◆ Interview and transcription by The Sunday Mail Senior Reporter Kuda Bwititi in Harare on March 20, 2015
AS a show of respect to the passing of the late Amai Victoria Chitepo, who was the wife to one of the country’s legendary national heroes, the late Zanu chairman Cde Herbert Chitepo, the Question and Answer session of the Chronicles from the Second Chimurenga has been suspended this week.
The name of Cde Herbert Chitepo features prominently in the interviews and we thought it would be in bad taste to carry this week’s interview as the country is still moaning the heroine who passed away last Friday.
However, we go back to the liberation struggle and bring you never-been-told information that show how unjust the Smith regime was.
Freedom fighters as young as 18 years old were sentenced to death – just for volunteering to fight for their country.
But before that, let me share with you an emotional message that I received from Dr Dennis Magaya:
“Hie Munya. Once again, the country will soon be celebrating the attainment of independence. Just as I do all the years, I will join in the celebrations but my heart is still bleeding.
“The mystery surrounding my late father Arthur Magaya whose Chimurenga name was Cde Soul Sadza has not yet been solved. He joined the liberation struggle in 1972 and rose through the ranks in Zanu.
“Reports say he was one of the highest ranking Zanu officials to die at the war front in 1976. I am his first born child and would really appreciate just to know where exactly and how he died. Thirsty-six years down the line, my heart still bleeds for answers!”
What a touching message. Expect to get a few answers on Cde Soul Sadza in the coming weeks.
Now back to Ian Smith’s cruelty.
In December 1976, the International Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa produced the book “Ian Smith’s Hostages: Political Prisoners in Rhodesia”. The book contained details that show the ruthlessness and barbarism of the Smith regime during the liberation struggle. According to the book, under Rhodesia’s Law and Order (Maintenance) Act, a person could be sentenced to death for any of the following reasons:
undergoing a course of guerrilla training.
recruiting, or encouraging another person to do so.
being in possession of weapons of war.
arson, sabotage, bomb attacks, laying land mines and other acts of guerrilla warfare.
providing food, shelter or other forms of assistance to guerrillas.
failing to report the presence of guerrillas to the authorities within a specified time.
Many freedom fighters and povho were arrested and given varying sentences for participating in the liberation struggle, but according to the book, the comrades did not go down without a fight in the courts. Faced with death, the courage shown by these comrades should up to this day inspire many Zimbabweans. The freedom fighters did not mince their words speaking against the colonial system, including telling the courts that they really had nothing to fear.
Below are a few excerpts from the book under the title “Statements from the Dock”.
“We are not prepared to plead or to be tried by this court . . .we consider ourselves not criminals, but prisoners of war … (Horace Nyasika, Salisbury High Court, June 1966)
“I have nothing against the white man or the Security Forces of this country. The fight was simply directed against the law, the law which oppresses other people in this country, the law that is discriminatory . . . (Sly Masuku, Salisbury High Court, August 1968).
“The African people of this country know that I am fighting for the truth, and the whites living outside Rhodesia know that I am fighting for my rights. Some whites in this country sympathize with me but they are afraid to go against their brothers. Because we are not accepted as sons of Zimbabwe, we are insulted by being called terrorists. If this word means a wild person who kills other people, what is the white man to be called, since he came into this country armed and killed people and he is still doing so? While I am fighting for the truth, the white man is fighting for the wealth of Zimbawe.” (Zanu freedom fighter, Bulawayo High Court, November 1968)
“What I know, my Lord, is that members of the police force are employees of the government. What I have been doing is to fight against the government. Therefore I was doing something the police force disliked. Hence their false stories in court. And I know that the court in an institution which belongs to the government that I am fighting against, so it will not surprise me if the court disbelieves me as well.” (Zapu freedom fighter, Salisbury High Court, May 1970)
The Smith regime went ahead and sentenced several freedom fighters to death. In fact, according to the book, the regime on 21 April, 1975; announced that there would be no public announcements of the executions of these comrades.
“It is highly likely that the majority of these men (listed below), particularly those who have had appeals against their sentences dismissed, have already died,” part of the book says.
Below are some of the freedom fighters sentenced to death by the Smith regime on political charges.
Ben Gibson – convicted in Salisbury High Court on 25 February 1976. Appeal dismissed in May.
Bumhira Luke (30) – convicted in a Special Court at Inyanga at the end of July 1976. Appeal dismissed in October.
Chakabvapasi Stone (19) – convicted in a Special Court in Salisbury on 30 August 1976.
Chapungu Stephen (30) – convicted in a Special Court in Umtali on 26 May 1976. Appeal dismissed in July.
Chikunguru N – convicted in a Special Court at Inyanga on 28 May 1976. Appeal dismissed in July.
Chinyadza Godson A. (21) – convicted in Salisbury High Court on 4 August 1976.
Dube Elliot (22) – convicted in Salisbury High Court in November 1975. Appeal dismissed in May 1976.
Gahadzikwa Lazarus (20) – convicted in a Special Court in Salisbury on 11 June 1976. Appeal dismissed in July.
Gandiwa Hozeah (29) – convicted in a Special Court in Salisbury on 30 August 1976.
Gurupati Nisa (20) – convicted in a Special Court in Umtali at the end of July 1976. Appeal dismissed in October.
Guva Petersen (24) – convicted in a Special Court in Umtali at the end of July 1976. Appeal dismissed in October.
Gwaze Isaak (27) – convicted in Salisbury High Court on 16 June 1976. Appeal dismissed in August.
Gwede Plan (20) – convicted in Salisbury High Court on 18 March 1976.
Hlengani John (65) – convicted in Salisbury High Court at the end of October 1975. Appeal dismissed in February 1976 and petition to the Rhodesian President dismissed in March.
Jani Nyamwata – convicted in a Special Court at Chipinge at the end of August 1976.
Kanokunda Good (22) – convicted in Salisbury High Court on 6 February 1976.
Kanyasa Darlington Philimon – convicted in a Special Court in Salisbury on 18 June 1976. Appeal dismissed in September.
Kizito Enoch Vera – convicted in a Special Court in September 1976.
Kumbukayi Patrick (18) – convicted in Salisbury High Court on 6 February 1976.
Mabonzo Clever – convicted in January 1975. Appeal dismissed in March.
Machisa Shadreck (31) – convicted in Salisbury High Court on 17 October 1975. Appeal dismissed in December.
Madovi Elias (30) – convicted in a Special Court in Salisbury on 30 August 1976.
Makombe Crispen – convicted in a Special Court at Inyanga on 28 May 1976.
Mapfundiro Chiwiye – convicted on 10 March 1975.
Marimo Naison – convicted in a Special Court at Inyanga on 28 May 1976.
Masimba Ismael – convicted in a Special Court at Inyanga on 28 May 1976.
Mavunga Cuthbert – convicted on an unknown date in a Special Court. Appeal dismissed in August 1976.
Mhandu Friday – convicted in a Special Court at Inyanga on 28 May 1976.
Moto Ignatius (17) – convicted in Salisbury High Court on 7 November 1975.
Muchekadire Elliot – convicted in a Special Court at Inyanga on 28 May 1976.
Mudzikenyedze Frederick (20) – convicted in a Special Court in Salisbury on 30 August 1976,
Mukwekwe Lameck – convicted in a Special Court at Inyanga at the end of August 1976. Appeal dismissed in September.
Munyama Basopo – convicted in a Special Court in Umtali on 21 July 1976. Appeal dismissed in November.
Mushipe Crispen (20) – convicted in a Special Court in Salisbury on 30 August 1976.
Mutovoni Norman (20) – convicted in a Special Court in Salisbury on 30 August 1976.
Ncube Benson – convicted in Salisbury High Court on 15 August 1975. Appeal dismissed in December.
Ncube Rekisi Pikili Brantino – convicted in Bulawayo High Court on 12 December 1975. Appeal dismissed in March 1976.
Nhiri Christopher – convicted in December 1975. Appeal dismissed in March 1976.
Nyagu George (22) – convicted in a Special Court in Salisbury on 30 August 1976.
Nyagu Philip (21) – convicted in a Special Court in Salisbury on 6 September 1976.
Nyakudya Kenneth Jim (19) – convicted in Salisbury High Court on 6 February 1976. Appeal dismissed in May.
Nyamaropa Reza (18) – convicted in Salisbury High Court on 7 November 1975.
Nyambabvu Robbie – convicted in Salisbury High Court on 15 August 1975. Appeal dismissed in December.
Nyamhandu Maxwell – convicted 10 March 1975.
Shava Ponias Tanzwa (19) – convicted in Salisbury High Court at the end of April/beginning of May 1976. Appeal dismissed in June.
Shumba Chombile – convicted in a Special Court at Gwelo on 17 September 1976.
Simbilisios Mashama (37) – convicted in a Special Court in Umtali on 26 May 1976. Appeal dismissed in August.
Tikabva Rodreck – convicted in a Special Court in Umtali on 21 July 1976. Appeal dismissed in November.
Tiriboyi Luckson (23) – convicted in Salisbury High Court on 26 March 1976. Appeal dismissed in May.
Tobias Kariba Herbert – convicted on an unknown date. Appeal dismissed in March 1975.
Tsauke Baya – convicted in January 1975. Appeal dismissed in March 1975.
Wandawona Elly (20) – convicted 18 March 1975.
Wayeni Chireza (30) – convicted in Salisbury High Court on 15 October 1975. Appeal dismissed in March 1976.
According to the book, in October 1976, Smith’s Minister of Defence, Mr PK Van der Byl told a reporter at the Geneva Conference who had asked why the Smith regime was not releasing the names of the people who would have been sentenced to death and hanged that “he did not know if this was the case,” adding, “anyway, it is academic because they are normally dead after it.”
What a chilling response!
But despite it all – on 18 April 1980 – Zimbabwe attained its independence.
You look at Wicknell Chivhayo and the hogwash he has been writing lately and you say to yourself, yeah, indeed money can’t buy you everything.
But come on guys, let’s give it to the boy. He is a pleasant nuisance.
Over the past few days, I have been keenly following what this boy has been saying and he reminded me of that song “Money Can’t Buy You Class” by Countess Luann.
Luann sings:
“Money rich and manners poor, never got the boys too far
Money talks but I just walk when I can’t stand it . . . The lesson all should learn, even if there’s cash to burn. Respect yourself cause no one else can change your path.”
This arrogant cry baby has no manners at all and get it from the Bishop, that boy ain’t going nowhere. This is not Bishop Lazarus being jealous of that boy’s cash, no. It’s Biblical. The Scriptures are very clear on this one.
Wicknell needs to grow up and he has to do so very, very fast. The boy has to know that confidence is silent and insecurity is loud.
He has been all over the place showing shocking immaturity and you know why dear congregants? Because The Sunday Mail published a story saying Zifa had not paid Warriors coach Calisto Pasuwa his salary for two months.
Wicknell, who the sports journalists call a “Zifa benefactor” was angered by this true story.
Ishemunyoro Chingwere, the writer, was told by the very clever Wicknell that he is “stupid” and will “die poor”. Makomborero Mutimukulu, The Sunday Mail Sports Editor, received all manner of threats.
When sober and uncompromised journalists realised their profession was under threat from this little boy, they condemned Wicknell and boy oh boy, that really excited the lad. He told journalists they are poor blah blah blah.
Higher and Tertiary Education Minister Professor Jonathan Moyo tried to knock sense. If the story was true there was no need for any hullabaloo. But Wicknell would have none of it.
At each and every turn, Wicknell would brag that he runs a multi-million dollar business and that his pair of Guiseppe Zanotti shoes cost US$7 000.
And in the midst of all this pomposity, he would confirm that indeed Pasuwa had not been paid his salary.
I know there are some who are saying koBishop zvebhora muneinazvo? There are two things here dear congregants.
First, when we talk about the national team coach we are talking about a national asset. Hatingaregi munhu achingohumana sebenzi about our national asset. Secondly, as many of you may know, I belong to prosperity theology that many of you refer to as prosperity gospel.
Some of my colleagues in prosperity theology include EW Kenyon, Oral Roberts, TD Jakes, AA Allen, Robert Tilton, TL Osborn, Joel Osteen, Creflo Dollar, Kenneth Copeland, Reverend Ike and Kenneth Hagin.
If you want you can add Emmanuel Makandiwa, Walter Magaya. (I am not sure kuti Uebert Angel tichiri tese here.)
So this is about prosperity theology and since Wicknell tells anyone who cares to listen about his riches, I can’t let mwana achipaumba over things he really doesn’t understand.
As he boasts about his riches, does Wicknell know where the glory really belongs? His arrogant and misplaced bragging takes away the glory from The Lord. Wicknell needs prayers — not ridicule. In case Wicknell thinks I am cooking up this sermon, let me quote a few verses for him.
Psalm 10:2-4 says: “In his arrogance the wicked man hunts down the weak, who are caught in the schemes he devises. He boasts about the cravings of his heart; he blesses the greedy and reviles the Lord.”
Psalm 75:4-5 is even more explicit. “I warned the proud, ‘Stop your boasting!’ I told the wicked, ‘Don’t raise your fists! Don’t raise your fists in defiance at the heavens or speak with such arrogance.’”
A few weeks ago I read a statement by Matshona Dhliwayo who said: “If you show off do not get upset when God doesn’t show up.”
My hope is that Wicknell gets some humility and listens to the Word of God because vamwe vanhu vese aramba kuvaterera.
Matthew 6:1-2 hammers the point home saying: “Be careful not to practice your righteousness in front of people in order to be noticed by them. If you do, you will have no reward from your Father in Heaven. So whenever you give to the poor, don’t blow a trumpet before you like the hypocrites do in the synagogues and in the streets so that they will be praised by people.”
The Bible even says boasting is a sign of the end of times. Timothy 3:1-5 goes, “You should know this, Timothy, that in the last days there will be very difficult times. For people will love only themselves and their money. They will be boastful and proud, scoffing at God, disobedient to their parents, and ungrateful. They will consider nothing sacred. They will be unloving and unforgiving; they will slander others and have no self-control.
“They will be cruel and hate what is good. They will betray their friends, be reckless, be puffed up with pride, and love pleasure rather than God. They will act religious, but they will reject the power that could make them godly. Stay away from people like that!”
And of course there is Proverbs 11:2. “Pride leads to disgrace, but with humility comes wisdom.”
As you know, Bishop Lazarus really likes the Book of Proverbs. So here’s another from Proverbs 29:11: “A fool gives full vent to his spirit, but a wise man quietly holds it back,” while Proverbs 18:7 says: “A fool’s mouth is his ruin, and his lips are a snare to his soul.”
Proverbs 1:7 says: “The fear of the Lord is the beginning of knowledge; fools despise wisdom and instruction.”
The hope is that Wicknell is still not a fool because we can’t have a supposed Good Samaritan who goes bonkers over a fantastic piece of journalism.
All those journalists, those at the AAG and all those at Zifa who continue to massage Wicknell should STOP IT!
That boy can’t personalise our football and if he doesn’t like this, well, he can go jump into the Zambezi River.
That boy can’t silence the media and if he thinks he can then he ain’t seen anything yet. Just watch the space.
In the meantime, can Zifa please get serious and start looking for credible sponsors kwete pwere dzinoramwa just because they signed a useless piece of paper that’s not legally binding.
Howdy folks!
It is Independence Day tomorrow. And again, President Mugabe will light the Eternal Flame of Independence as we celebrate our long walk to freedom.
It is indeed a season of remembrance as we pay tribute to gallant sons and daughters, many of whom fought to death, to win this Independence upon us.
We remember them all, including heroines, Cdes Victoria Chitepo and Vivian Mwashita, whom the national flag bowed to a few days ago.
It is the same flag we shall be hoisting with pride on the morrow, with the red stripe reminding us of the blood shed during the First and Second Chimurenga.
But let me not steal tomorrow’s thunder.
Today, let’s just review a couple of global and national developments that I think should be soberly addressed before they escalate into something beyond our control.
Globally, the IMF has given the heads-up on a looming financial crisis.
In its latest Global Financial Stability Report, the IMF highlights that persistent market volatility may lead to “economic and financial stagnation” by creating a “pernicious feedback loop of fragile confidence, weaker growth, tighter financial conditions, and rising debt burdens”.
This is not good at all.
It reminds me of the global crisis of 2007-8 when our Zimbabwean friends and relatives abroad lost their jobs.
As a result, they could not send money back home as their friends and relatives here also faced tough challenges during that same period as stratospheric inflation wreaked havoc. Diaspora remittances play a major role in our economy, folks.
The end of the 2008 global financial crisis saw Zimbabwean Diasporans starting to steadily increase remittances, rising from US$301 million in 2009 to US$944 million last year.
This year, they are projected to touch US$944 million. So you can see, remittances play a very important role in this economy.
They contribute more than the entire tobacco sector, if I can put it that way.
In fact, remittances presently surpass total FDI inflows. For instance, in 2015 we received aggregate FDI worth US$591 million against remittances of US$944 million.
Most of this money is received in small amounts of, maybe, US$100, £50, R1 000, you name it.
The marginal propensity to consume for such amounts of money is very high, which means that it is the very money that also comes to promote local demand, thereby supporting our productive sectors.
Most Zimbabwean folks in South Africa, which is the main contributor to remittances, have in recent months been discouraged from remitting because of the falling rand.
Back in the day, one would send, say, R1 000 and it would be received as US$100 here. Now only about US$65 can be received for the same amount.
In light of the above, I think we have to lend an ear to the IMF managing director’s Global Policy Agenda Spring 2016 message that: “Countries must reinforce their commitment to durable global growth and employ a more potent policy.”
She suggested a three-pronged approach with monetary, fiscal and structural actions to lift actual and potential growth, averting risks and enhancing financial stability.
Coming back home, our financial sector’s stability is being threatened.
We have two buzzwords that have been gaining popularity by the passing of each day — “cash crisis”.
While the “crisis” is somehow a reflection of our economic challenges, as I alluded to in my piece of March 27, 2016 (“Buy Zimbabwe is a necessary evil”) — I also enrol to the school of thought that says it’s a confidence issue.
But why is this an issue after all the confidence-building measures since dollarisation?
I strongly argue that the media have been playing, and continue to play, a catalyst role that has worsened our cash situation.
The whole situation escalated when our local media started to run with headlines like: “Cash crunch hits banks”, “Zimbabwe is facing a cash crisis”, “Cash crisis hits banks, shops”, “Panic as banks run out of cash”, and “Cash crisis worsens”.
Our newspapers are competing to come up with sensational headlines on how the cash situation is “deteriorating” by the day.
And when a sensible saver is daily bombarded with such messages, left, right and centre; savers who still have 2008 at the back of their minds — they would be definitely stupid to keep their money where they can’t see it.
They would want it closer to them, even when they don’t really want to use it today. Just to be sure, you know.
The minds of folks is now saturated with “what ifs”.
What the above eventually does is grow anxiety among folk who have their hard-earned money in banks. They are provoked to lose confidence and so we now find them joining those long queues at the banks.
And that increases demand for cash beyond normal levels.
All savers cannot demand their cash at the same time, it’s not sustainable!
It’s like when we have the giant National Sports Stadium filled to the brim with fanatics watching Dembare and Highlanders, then suddenly a fire-cracker loudly bursts in the vicinity and people mistake it for a real bomb.
There will obviously be a stampede as people flee for their dear lives — and some might be hurt while infrastructure might be destroyed in the process.
The false alarm causes needless pressure. Let’s try to bring a certain perspective to this assertion, to give it credibility.
You see, central bank Governor Dr John Mangudya has given us a breakdown of the cash that has been imported until recently.
Banks imported US$118 million between January 1 and April 6. The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe imported US$145 million between January 1 and March 31. That totals US$263 million.
And from Dr Mangudya’s perspective, it is a quantum “which under normal circumstances is supposed to be sufficient for this economy . . . That’s why we believe money is there but it’s not circulating”.
We can deduce that there is something abnormal going on here. The RBZ chief obviously looked at past trends and compared them to the present madness.
Now people are discouraged from making deposits, while those who have deposited are stampeding to get it out — all of it.
That leaves the level of loanable funds diminished, and when that happens, even the interest rates that we were trying to cap at 15 percent will shoot up.
And now, as it worsens, some local companies are reported to be failing to pay their international suppliers. Banks are failing to send through payment requests.
They make the transfers, but banks cannot honour the payments due to the cash shortage.
We need to start acting responsibly. There is no need for despondency.
The public should be encouraged not to panic. Yes, there are challenges, but we must not amplify them through reckless predispositions.
In the same vein, I was equally disturbed when our pundits in Government were communicating contrasting messages on the subject of indigenisation.
I think this is an issue that is very sensitive to foreign investors and there should be coherence and like-mindedness in the manner we communicate.
We are in a drive to promote FDI that surpasses the average levels being received by our regional peers. The 2016 National Budget sets the tone on the need to attract foreign investment.
The budget’s theme says it all: “Building a conducive environment that attracts Foreign Direct Investment”.
Our ministers should, therefore, agree behind the scenes, consult with their superiors where they are not clear, and then come to the public singing one tune.
It was refreshing when President Mugabe clarified matters, further explaining that conflicting interpretations “caused confusion among Zimbabweans, the business community, current and potential investors, thereby undermining market confidence. This situation has also led to the increase in the cost of doing business, thus further weakening the country’s economic competitiveness”.
It is hoped that this will bring finality to the issue of indigenisation and set everyone on one road with a clear understanding of where we are going.
You see, many investment projects embarked on by foreign investors take years before they even start to break even.
In planning for such projects, investors heavily depend on assumptions that they draw from the status quo policy environment.
And once the policy environment starts to be marked by certain contrasts and tensions, investors become uncertain about the long term consequence of their investment.
They will simply shy away from Zimbabwe as an investment destination.
Happy Independence Day to you all!
Later folks!
Truth be told, no march will ever transform the economy of any nation.
Poverty is as much a mentality as it is the result of a skewed economic structure.
The truth is MDC-T’s march was an event designed not to address economic issues but to show the West that he was still alive and willing to get donor funds.
Morgan Tsvangirai has long ceased to be a national factor, he cannot compare himself to President Mugabe in any way.
Just consider this: Recently President Mugabe met 10 000 war veterans in Harare. This was less than a third of the 34 000 war veterans still alive, and you can rest assured that the vast majority of them wanted to be at that meeting with President Mugabe.
Meanwhile Tsvangirai struggles to get 10 000 people from Harare on the streets, when President Mugabe has to trim to a third of just a single constituency.
Do you still want to play the numbers game?
Right now Zanu-PF’s Youth League is mobilising a march of one million people. One million!
These will be young people taking to the streets to express their support and appreciation of and for President Mugabe’s visionary leadership.
Surely Zanu-PF cannot panic about the 10 000 that some quarters claimed marched with Tsvangirai last week.
Tsvangirai and his cronies should accept the harsh reality that they are daily losing relevance and influence in this great country of ours.
And what in the world did he expect to achieve anyway?
There is poverty in Zimbabwe, yes. There is also much potential for economic transformation.
Is that potential going to be unlocked because an ashen Tsvangirai walked through the streets of Harare?
Poverty in Zimbabwe shall be alleviated through adopting the principles that His Excellency is pushing for.
Just at this moment the President is clarifying the indigenisation policy so that people can create wealth and employment in a sustainable manner.
Marching against poverty is nothing more than sublime mysticism and self-serving nonsense!
Poverty eradication needs thinkers and strategists such as are found in Zanu-PF.
And thinking that blaming Government and President Mugabe for the disappearance of Itai Dzamara will end poverty in Zimbabwe is as illogical as it is lousy politics by a lousy politician.
The Minister of Truth extends his deepest and sincerest sympathies to the Dzamara family over the disappearance of Itai.
And to make matters worse they have to continuously contend with dead beat politicians appropriating Itai’s name as if he is a slogan.
This is ugly politics at its ugliest!
When all is said and done, MDC-T shall be taught a numbers lesson come the first week of May when one million youths take to the streets to bolster support for President Mugabe’s economic transformation agenda.
This has nothing to do with being President Mugabe’s nephew. Rather, it has all to do with the undeniable fact that our leader has consistently stood by the aspirations of the majority.
In President Mugabe we trust. And in President Mugabe we shall continue to trust.
Rtd Brig-Gen Asher Walter Tapfumaneyi
As participants of the liberation struggle who brought about Zimbabwe’s Independence, we are elated with the 36th anniversary of that independence.
We celebrate on behalf of thousands of our colleagues who fell during the war and post-1980.
Zimbabwe was colonised in 1890 when our forebears such as Mbuya Nehanda, Sekuru Kaguvi, Lobengula and Sekuru Chaminuka were defeated by British invasion forces.
Mbuya Nehanda said her bones would rise again and surely they did and brought freedom in 1980.
We fought under the umbrella of Zanu, Zapu, Zipra and Zanla. The ideology was the same, though approaches differed here and there.
We wanted one man one vote, control of our natural resources and women to be equal citizens, not minors.
Zimbabwe has 98 percent literacy; the highest in Africa.
Our ideology empowered the girl child and delivered education to all, and we are now on indigenisation and economic empowerment.
Nobody in his/her right senses would fight indigenous ownership of the means of production and natural resources.
Land reform is also a major deliverable and success.
Our economy performed very well up to the time of land reform.
It was an illusion as those with the reins of the global economy would not attack our economy as long as we did not fulfill our aspirations.
Therefore, we would pretend the economy was performing as long as we remained content with being workers and not owners of our economy.
Our economy came under attack the moment we touched the land, thereby fulfilling the aspirations of the liberation struggle and the majority.
For the past 15-16 years, we have been running on a cash economy with absolutely no balance of payment support, no budgetary and development support.
This has perhaps been the only cash economy in the world over the past 15 years! We have been able to stand due to the resilience of our resource base and the resilience of our people. Any other economy would have collapsed and its leaders apologised to the West.
However, we have withstood the battering of sanctions.
I am no economist: I’m a soldier who is also affected by the performance of our economy just like any other citizen.
When the economy performs well, my life improves and declines when the economy is down.
The economist will crunch numbers and point a finger at this and that, but the overall point is that sanctions have affected this economy badly.
They were tailored to make it scream and then make the people of Zimbabwe rise against their Government. Orchestrators of that plan have failed.
As a war veteran and father, I see there has been an improvement in attitude among our people.
There’s resilience and the will to survive is stronger; that is why your average woman in Zimbabwe will carry the family in the hardest of times.
Women have ventured into cross-border trade and families have stood. They have given their children university education and managed to put food on the table under very difficult conditions.
When we were young, the relationship between families and government and among individual citizens, particularly blacks, was different from what it is now.
The Rhodesian establishment was completely irrelevant to our survival as families.
When hunger crept into our homes, fathers would go out to work and bring a bag of mealie-meal back to their families.Black families were alone, and never had any reference to the Rhodesians as they never treated us as citizens.
We were third-rate, but did not understand the significance of that relationship and its intricacies. That mentality has changed; we now have freedom of expression, freedom of association and other freedoms.
When hunger strikes, there is now a Government to turn to. Even when there is flooding in parts of Zimbabwe, the Government moves in to assist. It’s a fact of Independence that we must celebrate. We are in a protracted struggle.
The forces of imperialism will resist attainment of what we fought for; the resource nationalism we have championed. Now we are pushing the indigenisation policy which was elaborated on by the President a few days ago.
Some blacks have shamefully formed political parties to oppose land reform and economic empowerment. That mentality is intended to fight what we are trying to achieve as a liberated people.
We are now in the second phase of the liberation struggle where we are fighting to free our economy from the tentacles of capitalist imperialism so that we have a voice on the markets, production and other aspects of economic development and growth.
That voice is being denied us.
It will be fought through corruption, sanctions, hostile media, denigrating our leaders and stigmatising them and opposition political parties that are not nationalistic in outlook.
So, we have not yet achieved everything that we set out to achieve. We are still fighting with those we defeated in 1980.
We are happy, though, as war veterans, that from 2000 to 2002, Government took a deliberate step to acquire and re- distribute land to indigenous Zimbabweans.
In 1996, a policy was passed to reserve 20 percent of all acquired land for war veterans.
That policy has been implemented, but some segments of society and Government have been resisting it and some war veterans who got land through this policy are being evicted.
There are counter-plans: Someone from Harare pitches up in a 4×4 truck with a Ministry of Lands official and the war veteran is evicted.
It’s been happening; it’s one of the complaints we get everyday.
We are engaging the Lands Ministry to make sure that does not happen. We deserve a share of the acquired land and that share should be respected. A provision in the War Veterans’ Act says land given to a war veteran is inalienable.
We are now laying the laws, trying to make that provision tighter so that land, whether urban/rural/agricultural given to a war veteran as part of his/her settlement package, is not tempered with under whatever whim or caprice, political or legal.
This (20 percent reservation) is one of the issues we raised during our meeting with the patron.
I noticed people have been saying war veterans want to live for free and so on. No, we don’t want to do that. The law provides for our upkeep; it’s in the Constitution (Section 84).
When you allocate us resources, our philosophy is to go and sweat for those resources through global and local partnerships. In the end, we will become less of a burden to the taxpayer.
If we contribute to economic activity, competing as a group, then we also help the economy grow. Fewer and fewer of us will need to be looked after by Government.
People who criticise us must read the law. There should be no poor war veteran if the law is fully applied.
Don’t blame us. We paid with our blood, you recognised it and wrote it into the Constitution. Is it too much for the nation to look after war veterans?
This is the purpose of our ministry; to make sure our war veterans are well catered for and their livelihoods improve.
We are not alone in this.
Other countries – South Africa, Mozambique, Cambodia and Bosnia-Herzegovina took a leaf from us and applied more resources.
As we go forward, we should improve the performance of our economy, revisit our policy environment from time to time and make ourselves more predictable as an investment destination.
We need to improve productivity on the farms by capitalising agriculture. Mining also needs to improve in terms of revenues and plugging leakages.
It’s not just an extractive enterprise where the money made goes to grow other economies, with little benefit to ours. That is why Government has taken a decision to consolidate the diamond industry, repossessing part of the claims.
About 80 percent of chrome deposits in this country were owned by two companies and were idle. Government is repossessing them to improve productivity.
Zimbabwe has one of the biggest chrome deposits in the world.
There is no student of geology anywhere in the world who will pass his/her degree if he/she doesn’t know the Great Dyke.
Let’s not be divided, but be united in celebration and defending our Zimbabwe.
It’s our Zimbabwe.
Brigadier-General (Retired) Asher Walter Tapfumaneyi is Secretary for Welfare Services for War Veterans, War Collaborators, Former Political Detainees and Restrictees. He shared these views with The Sunday Mail’s Shamiso Yikoniko in Harare last week
Last week we witnessed a handful of unemployed MDC-T youths march to Parliament demanding US$15 billion which they never one day did break a sweat for.
The fliers hastily printed for their pathetic cause, littering a city already reeling from poor waste management, carried voyeuristic activists’ statements: “Huya upihwe thaza rako … $15 billion ungoshaikwa (sic)”, and “Ini thaza rangu ndorida, koi we? Handei!!”
Surely, how can grown men and women would wake up, take a bath, clothe themselves in red and persuade themselves that today is the day they will get US$15 billion with each getting US$1 000 out of it.
US$1 000 to buy booze and more drugs. When that money is blown, then they look for something else to demonstrate about.
Come on.
Come on MDC-T supporters, surely you can do better than that. Surely, you cannot be that gullible and naïve to think that you can just say “abracadaabra” and you will have and US$1000 each.
Yes, that US$15 billion may still be unaccounted for and may have been diverted by some unscrupulous players in the diamond mining industry but let’s say it can be accounted for, let’s say it just happens to be found somewhere — what makes you think it belongs to you as MDC-T?
What makes you think you earned it? What makes you think that part of that money is yours? It would have been understandable if it were Zanu-PF that had demonstrated for that money because they are the ones that have been advocating for empowerment all along while MDC-T was advocating for economic sanctions.
This false sense of entitlement that has engulfed this rag of a party is pitiable.
Besides, these MDC-T chaps had the opportunity to give the electorate US$1 000 each during that ill-fated inclusive Government but instead they were busy feathering their own nests.
Their very own Moses Mzila Ndlovu confessed as much, saying these guys were chopping money as if there was no tomorrow.
Their very own leader got to be known as the Legend of the Seas because of the cruises he splurged on.
Now they are out of Government, their party is as good as dead, and they are flat broke. So they think if they march someone will give them US$1 000 each.
The only money you will get is if you can convince donors to give you 30 pieces of silver as they have always done!
No sensible person went into the streets to march so that Tsvangirai gets another Judas payout from the West. The sensible people were busy making a living, whether they were in offices, farming somewhere or vending wares on the those very same streets.
Okay, let’s imagine they had managed to take their march to Parliament Building, and the US$15 billion was presented to them by, let’s say, the Speaker, or better still the Minister of Finance and Economic Development and the Minister of Mines and Mining Development.
Just imagine Tsvangirai being presented with US$15 billion cash, in crisp hundred dollar bills. Just imagine what would have happened? And remember we are talking here of a Morgan who once bolted out of hospital through the back door the other year because he couldn’t or wouldn’t pay his bill.
Yes, you guessed right. Morgan would have sped off at the speed of light with “everyone’s thaza” and he would be lounging in a park or boat somewhere.
Dubulaizitha!
Mr Ronnie Patel was one of the first Indians in the then Southern Rhodesia to take up arms alongside black nationalists to fight the colonial regime. He was in the Zapu office in 1977 when national hero Cde Jason Ziyaphapha Moyo was killed by a letter bomb, and damaged an eardrum in that attack. Last week, Zimpapers journalists Kuda Bwititi and Robin Muchetu spoke to Mr Patel in Bulawayo. This is his story.
* * *
Cde Ronnie Patel
Mr Ronnie Patel
I was born in 1947 and spent my early years in Dete, Matabeleland North.
At 17-years-old, my political inclination grew stronger, leading me to become a branch member of Zapu. It was at one of our meetings in Dingani that I met the party leadership, including Dr Joshua Nkomo with whom I later developed a close relationship.
This was in the 1960s and Zapu was very popular, though doing most of its work surreptitiously to keep the Rhodesians off its back.
But we couldn’t hide forever.
The British South Africa Police gathered intelligence on our activities and were onto us in a jiffy.
I got wind of their plan to arrest and possibly kill us, so I then told a colleague named Moyo that fleeing was the best option under the circumstances.
I fled to Botswana, only to be told later that Moyo had been picked up, never to be seen again.
The Rhodesian police hunted me relentlessly, even detaining my father for a couple of days. It took the spirited efforts of my friend (the late Justice) Walter Sensole for them to release my ol’ man.
In the meantime, I continued working for Zapu in Francistown, Botswana. I lived there for only a while, though, as tensions were building up after the Rhodesians had killed Ethan Dube.
The party subsequently dispatched me to the capital, Gaborone, where I spent some months before Dumiso Dabengwa came to strategise our next deployment.
From Gaborone we flew to Lusaka, Zambia on a chartered plane commonly referred to as Wenela.
Wenela was a company that used to recruit Zambians and Malawians to work in mines, and used to offer its planes to Zapu.
We had no money for isitshebo (relish) on our first day in Lusaka, so our treasurer, Steven Vuma, gave us some kwachas to purchase cabbages. The sadza was cooked in drums.
Some people at Zimbabwe House (Zapu’s headquarters in Lusaka) were amused when our cabbages arrived. I later caught the drift: They couldn’t fathom an Indian lining up for sadza!
I was the only one and therefore became noticeable immediately.
One of my tasks in Zambia was receiving ammunition that was being provided by the Russians. Among those I worked with were Lookout Masuku and Saul Gwakuba Ndlovu, the man in charge of Zapu’s magazine.
There was also a guy in the communications department known as Fleming. Once, we received military trucks from the Russians via MPLA of Angola and the Cubans.
The Cubans got lost in Northern Zambia, so we went to look for them and spent three days searching. We ran out of diesel, but managed to get to Zimbabwe House.
That was one of the moments when one nearly came to their wits’ end.
JZ Moyo death
Cde Jason Moyo
I was there when the Rhodesians tried to hit Zimbabwe House.
Nikita Mangena used to live there, while Joseph Msika, George Silundika, Naison Kutshwekhaya Ndlovu and I lived at a house in Lilanda Township with about 11 others.
It was life as usual in that house. I was the only Indian, but trust me, we were a united people.
My worst experience of the liberation struggle was the assassination of JZ Moyo. I remember that day vividly. We were about to start a meeting with (Dumiso) Dabengwa, (Joseph) Msika, (George) Silundika, John (landa) Nkomo, Jane Ngwenya, Amos Ngwenya, Sikhuli Moyo and others present. Our offices were near a market in the city centre. The place was more like a warehouse that had been partitioned to come up with offices.
JZ had received an envelope and was holding it close to his stomach. Suddenly, that envelope exploded, blowing him up.
I was in the next office and ran out with others after the thunderous explosion.
A fire started as we escaped and I could see JZ lying on the floor with his stomach ripped open. The sight was horrific.
It is never pleasant to see another human being die. I watched him die. He wouldn’t have survived as the blast was terrible.
I lost one eardrum to that explosion and only use the other now.
John Nkomo was also injured and I am the one who took him to hospital.
The place was unpleasant to see. The wooden office partitions had crumbled and were like dust.
JZ was no more.
Helping hand
I later went to Russia to provide logistical support to Zapu from there, returning to independent Zimbabwe in 1983.
A number of other Indians participated in the liberation struggle, the likes of Mr AB Naik who was at Gonakudzingwa Detention Centre with Dr Joshua Nkomo. He now lives in Gwanda.
Mr BC Naik, Mr RK Naik and Mr Desai also figure in that group, while others are now late.
Indian businesspeople in Bulawayo also helped the struggle financially.
There was a Mr Mehta in Harare who was to become Zimbabwe’s first High Commissioner to Canada.
Professor (Hasu) Patel worked closely with Zanu and President Mugabe, and is now with the University of Zimbabwe. He was once the Ambassador to Australia. Others who were based in the Midlands also helped.
As I reflect on our 36 years of majority rule, I am content with myself and how I assisted the country.
The best moments of the struggle that I cherish the most remain the friendships I made then.
Nothing can take that away. I am still very close to those who are still alive.
We loved each other because we were all fighting for a common cause which was independence.
We need to go back to those days when people were all united to achieve common goals.
When the clock strikes the midnight hour tonight, Zimbabwe will be turning 36-years-old.
Indeed, the nation is free from the clutches of colonialism and its accompanying injustices – forced labor, physical abuse, unfair application of the law, inequality of salaries and limitation of political rights, etcetera.
Since April 18, 1980, each year has come and gone with its own triumphs and disappointments.
The road has not been smooth, far from it. We have reached where we are by blood, sweat and tears.
Those are the pains we must endure as we dismantle the residues of economic and cultural colonialism bequeathed to Zimbabwe by around 100 years of minority settler oppression.
Sadly, while Zimbabwe’s heroes and heroines shed blood at the battle front to deliver a free Zimbabwe, there are some amidst us who still believe in white supremacy and act as the puppets of the West 36 years after Independence.
Future generations will remember such traitors with scorn.
Fortunately, not all hope is lost because as things unfold on the political and socio-economic arenas, the younger generations have since grasped a very vital lesson in national consciousness – that the despairs of yesterday should never have a negative bearing on tomorrow.
Instead, let yesterday – good or bad – be the foundation for a better tomorrow.
Using that principle, our beautiful motherland, small as it is, stands solid and strong like the Biblical David against the Goliaths of this world; talk about the Americas, Britain, their sanctions, hyperinflation, deflation, health disasters, you name it.
On this eve of the country’s Independence Day, the natural temptation is to remind the nation how many schools, universities, hospitals and dams have been built since 1980.
But enough pages of this publication have already been dedicated to that and therefore focus will now zoom in on the future.
Any wise person is aware that only a fool will spend much time blowing their own trumpet.
Michael Dell advises the world to “celebrate for a nano-second and then move on”.
True to his word, we cannot risk losing focus on the present and the morrow by getting too engrossed in yesterday.
Granted, our achievements are additional feathers to our national cap and no one can ever take that away from us and therefore we can wear that with pride.
However, we also need to look forward with clarity. We need to share a common vision for the future.
Our accomplishments to date should be able to tell us where the nation will mostly probably be in another 36 years.
We need clear answers on how we can efficiently turn our vast resources into revenue; how we can guard the nation against hunger, against diseases, against natural disasters and against economic terrorists, those who seek to hijack our wealth at the expense of the indigenous people of Zimbabwe.
In 2002, President Mugabe addressed the UN Summit on Sustainable Development and pledged that, “…We are committed to that not just now, but in the future because we want a heritage as a legacy. We want that to pass on to future generations.”
That vision should reverberate in the heart and mind of every citizen of Zimbabwe. Unity should be the glue that binds us.
The President cannot build that legacy on his own.
When he is talking about future generations, he is not only talking about his own lineage, he is also talking about our children and their children and those to follow.
We cannot let those generations down and a lot needs to be done as soon as yesterday.
We need to deal with the corruption cancer decisively. The nation needs to maintain a stable political and economic environment so as to attract investors. Those who benefitted from the Land Reform Programme need to up their game and ensure food security. We need to play our part in liberating this country economically.
There is no room for intellectual laziness and economic cowardice at this decisive moment of the struggle.
Silas Admire Chikati
It is always sad to learn about a sudden death, something which surprises many relatives, friends and workmates alike.
We do not say God robs — but that He taketh what He brought to the world.
We can say life is a lease agreement between God and mankind. At some point, no matter how good or bad you were, the lease expires and with it life.
The death of Cde Alexander “Gora Zanda” Kanengoni last week left many of us who were so close to him and his everyday life shell-shocked.
A revolutionary par excellence and a book writer and journalist, here was a man who knew how to deploy his wit and wisdom to devastating effect when defending and advancing the interests of Zimbabwe, and when defining the social questions of the day.
I will not dwell much on his exploits during the armed struggle for liberation as several other of his colleagues have already done that.
Cde Gora was a very simple, accommodative and upright man. But his being accommodative did not mean he would shy away from speaking his mind.
It did not matter if it was something wrong in Zanu-PF or Government: he would say what he thought was right without being insulting or abusive.
It was many a time that I heard him say, “Cde, that’s not what we fought for.” Matters were that simple: did something promote or erode the national interest?
That was Cde Kanengoni for you.
You could not visit number 42 Selous Avenue in Harare, where The Patriot newspaper is based and where he was the Deputy Editor until the time of his death, without being greeted by the ever-smiling, observant and articulate Cde Gora.
Even if you were to get there towards his deadline and he was evidently busy, he would always find time to have a word with you and then even escort you out as you left.
More than once I used to say to him, “Mudhara, you are busy defending the gains of our Independence and talking about African pride, and yet your newspaper is called The Patriot but is based in a street named after one of the prime faces of white settler colonialism.”
He would respond, “Sure Cde, you are correct. This must be rectified quickly. We will keep pushing.”
Unfortunately, you departed before you saw that happening. But many of us will continue taking forward those salient aspects of African pride that you lived your life for.
My late wife used to call me during the main ZBC news at night when I was occupied elsewhere and tell me to switch on the television because this liberation war hero was on the screen articulating matters in a manner that only Cde Gora could.
And if you lost track of a war-time colleague, Cde Gora was the man to go to for an update. He kept in touch with anyone and everyone and took an interest in what his comrades were doing.
You were a mentor and a dear comrade.
You persuaded me, in the early 1980s, to take up journalism and I owe you for that. Sadly, it is not a debt I can ever repay except through living for my country as you did. I salute you Cde Gora. You are a true hero. May your soul rest in eternal peace.
Zimbabwe has travelled the good road as a nation. It is one of the few countries that waged armed struggles to liberate itself from colonial oppression.
Although we lost thousands of our brothers, sisters, mothers and fathers during that struggle, we still taught the world the meaning of reconciliation.
Our political independence is underpinned by a significant level of maturity that recognises that violence is not the only route to conflict resolution.
That independence has also guaranteed us peace and security.
In addition, we have one of the most progressive constitutions in the world and a record of holding elections consistently and timeously.
The second journey that we embarked on was addressing social delivery issues like health.
Apart from institutional innovations, that social emancipation has found expression in how the nation has tamed the HIV and Aids pandemic and how it is recognised globally for reducing HIV prevalence.
Zimbabwe is also regarded a world leader in education provision, we are a highly literate population with a great capacity to learn.
We, therefore, lead in the area of human capital development.
The third journey we have embarked on is that of economic independence. That independence is reflected in how we recovered our land. It is also reflected in how we are strengthening economic ownership.
In a nutshell, we have set the foundation for Zimbabwe’s economic liberation.
We now need to prepare for the future as it revolves on and belongs to the youth.
This touches on the responsibility of the Ministry of Youth, Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment in coming up with mechanisms that enable young people to prosper.
In 2015, the ministry conducted a study on youth investment and recommendations on the possible investment stimulants that Government can adopt have since been made.
The African Union’s theme for 2017 speaks of “harnessing demographic dividend through investment in youth”.
Consequently, the ministry is developing a youth empowerment strategy as part of that investment.
The strategy targets economic empowerment, social engagement and political participation.
We believe the economic empowerment component should have a horizon that begins when one is officially recognised as a youth (15-year-olds for Zimbabwe and the rest of the African Union), up to their work retirement age.
This, therefore, means every young person’s life should be guided by a strategy spanning at least 50 years.
Based on Zim-Asset’s foreword, the strategy will be anchored on exploiting the nexus between our rich human capital and abundant natural resources.
This is also in line with the President’s plan of Zim-Asset being propelled by judicious exploitation of human and natural resources.
A stakeholders’ steering committee will be established to assist the ministry in gathering the views of young people and incorporating them into the blueprint.
This could last six weeks, with the first two weeks producing a zero draft.
Young people countrywide will be invited to interrogate that draft in the week ending April 30, 2016.
The first week of May will see us presenting the draft strategy to public sector entities, while the private sector and civil service organisations will be engaged in the subsequent weeks.
Regarding the general economy, we are one of the few African countries that take charge of their national budgets and the multi-currency environment makes us an excellent investment destination
However, sanctions continue to be a hindrance preventing us from reaching our full potential.
Government has done very well in terms of promoting indigenous business.
What now need to strengthen and promote ethical business practices, good governance and corporate social responsibility.
The focus on indigenisation should now turn to creating good corporate citizens out of our indigenous businesses and converting them into investment-creating assets.
While it is desirable for Government to grow indigenous businesspeople, enterprises must not see that as a licence to abuse the people’s good intentions by overcharging.
Economic empowerment is not the end of our revolution.
The goal of our revolution is to go further in strengthening Zimbabwe as a nation, and that involves constantly upgrading the political processes that gave rise to our independence.
We need to build on our social capital, ensuring that we are economically free and abide by the principles of sustainable development.
Honourable Patrick Zhuwao is the Minister of Youth, Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment. He shared these views with The Sunday Mail’s Senior Reporter Lincoln Towindo in Harare last week.
On November 27, 2015; Finance and Economic Development Minister Patrick Chinamasa advised a gathering of agitated economic stakeholders to set aside politics when deliberating on the economy.
The sentiments behind his advice, though evidently inadequate to appease his audience, were courteously accepted.
It had only been hours since these stakeholders had witnessed Minister Chinamasa presenting the 2016 National Budget and pleading with Parliament for visible enforcement against a now widely acknowledged culture of politicised corruption plaguing our public enterprises and institutions.
Political interactions which preceded Minister Chinamasa’s budget announcement had also exposed an environment of toxic politicking, position jostling and underhanded scheming that was subsequently coined as factionalism.
This is still the state of our governing politics today and unfortunately, inertia both in socio-economic progress and accountability for it is held captive by this factionalism.
Inherently, as our political economic governance is stagnant, all functions under it are resultantly stifled as well.
Not much work is actually being done.
In July 2013, our political economic governance promised the implementation of a five-year blueprint called Zim-Asset, along with creating two million jobs.
Government later set out an expedient 10-Point Economic Growth Plan to accelerate Zim-Asset.
Inconveniently, factional politics have been the greatest deterrent to implementation.
To actually get some work done; ministers, public institution directors, regulatory custodians, and state enterprise executives must be held accountable for their duties.
This requires measurable performance evaluation that is open to critique or praise.
Across all these structures, however, undesirable instances of mismanagement, corruption, or generally poor performance have found convenient cover under the context of factionalism.
Indeed, one cannot find fault in performance or audit honest practices without being vulnerable to accusations of pursuing factionalist interests.
Factionalism has become a hindrance to dealing with inefficient and corrupt governance.
Regrettably, as factionalism has reached very high and respected offices, economic commentary has grown timid to express direct discontent to undesirable conduct carried out by our political economic governance.
So, how does a rightfully demanding public hold its leadership accountable to the promises of Zim-Asset and the 10-Point Economic Growth Plan?
By avoiding factionalism and its growing influence of institutional decay, we would be complicit to the incompetence, corruption and malevolence that has us captive in our current socio-economic stagnation.
We need to get this nation moving.
Thus, perhaps we can end factionalism by creating a meritocracy where political relevance is found through socio-economic performance.
What has become clear is that desire for higher office exists within our political structures. Extracting performance from these ambitious impulses would be a wise approach.
Maybe we need to go American in technocratic political economic governance as a means of realising our socio-economic desirables.
The appeal of such a model is that legislative bills, for instance, are crafted by erudite incumbents who are well informed on the political and economic implications of good policy strategy and implementation modelling.
Immediate to readers’ attention may be the prolonged struggles of the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act.
However, the need for such incumbency is widespread throughout our entire economy.
For instance, after three years, hundreds of Acts of Parliament are yet to be aligned to the Constitution.
Our environmental laws are yet to be effectively crafted to balance sustainability and competitive industrial practices.
The American model’s selective efficiency is seen through legislation named after exceptional policy strategists such as the nuclear energy Price-Anderson Act from Charles Price and Clinton Anderson; the investor protection Sarbanes-Oxley Act named after Paul Sarbanes and Michael Oxley; as well as the financial sector reform Dodd-Frank Act named after Chris Dodd and Barney Frank.
All the aforementioned legislation was designed with intentional policy strategy that achieved convergence of political and economic desirables satisfying both government and business agents.
Zimbabwe has a culture of personality politics but unfortunately, we emphasise the ministers much more than we do their actual mandate. For example, what was narrated as an enthralling “Chinamasa versus Zhuwao feud” completely missed the underlying tensions between a country’s IFI-focused Staff Monitored Programme and its internally crafted socio-economic agenda.
So while we already do somewhat identify politicians with policy, we should adjust our analyses to focus on how ministers balance the objectives of political ideology with market intricacies, and not simply be entertained by who may or may not have gotten their way.
We have had long-serving politicians but in recent years, it has been difficult to pick stand-out policy strategy and implementation models that we can attribute to their respective tenures.
As a nation, we missed an important observation.
During President Mugabe’s time as African Union and Sadc Chair, none of our Cabinet ministers carved out continental, let alone regional acknowledgement for distinguished policy strategy or implementation modelling.
Cabinet ministers have traditionally ridden on the President’s stature but have not garnered individual respectability. Comparatively, as recently witnessed in South Africa, Cabinet appointments by the Presidency can have significant sway in market confidence and macro-economic outlook when certain candidates carry enough clout to boost economic moral.
Influential African ministers in recent years include Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala from Nigeria, Donald Kaberuka from Rwanda, Tidjane Thiam from Ivory Coast and Abdelkader Amara from Morocco.
Along with many others, they have furthered their administrative skills to consult in regional and global policy strategy and implementation initiatives.
Since independence, only a handful of ministers have created impressionable legacies to affect even our own academic and professional approach towards socio-economic development.
Whilst frequently welcomed to global best practice events and seminars, we have not had noteworthy breakthrough in our medical administrative policy crafting.
While we led African natives towards land reform, we have not crafted a market-driven agriculture policy for indigenous farmers since then, and are well below food self-sufficiency.
From an era of educational supremacy, we have had little impressionable academic discovery and invention to inspire socio-economic development.
These are issues that show a dearth of globally competitive leadership.
However, at the institutional tier we have produced individuals such as Zimbabwe Energy Regulatory Authority chief executive Gloria Magombo and Standards Association of Zimbabwe director-general Dr Eve Gadzikwa who have both recently achieved regional acclaim and recognition for their technical and administrative competence.
Perhaps such credentials would inform the kind of calibre of policy strategists and implementation modelists our country could use.
Factionalism has created refuge for under-performing political economic governance.
Consequently, as a nation, we are riding on the hope of ideology which is impatiently waiting for its physical manifestation.
We are three years into a five-year blueprint.
Our politicians, sheltered from performance and ethical scrutiny, are secretly jostling for political advancement in harmful ways while the time ticks away.
An atmosphere of open meritocracy is the most effective means of fixing this situation.
Cde Lovemore Rugora, born in 1942 in Rusape, whose Chimurenga name was Cde John Pedzisa was the commander of the group of freedom fighters who hit Altena Farm in 1972, thereby signalling the start of the sustained Second Chimurenga in earnest.
After working in Zambia from 1962 and joining Zanu in 1963, Cde Pedzisa voluntarily went for military training in 1968. His group was known as the Group of 45 because some of the recruits escaped from training.
In this interview with our team comprising Munyaradzi Huni and Tendai Manzvanzvike, Cde Pedzisa narrates the first days of Zanu in Zambia and the military training by the Chinese at Mgagao Training Camp in Tanzania.
Cde Pedzisa narrates his story as the Rhodesian forces hunted his group after the attack at Altena farm. One of his comrades was captured while two others died in one of the attacks. He broke down in tears narrating how as Zimbabweans, we lack respect of our spirit mediums yet whites during the colonial regime showered the spirit mediums with lots of respect. Read on the FULL STORY . . .
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Cde Pedzisa
SM: Let’s pick up your story when you were in Zambia. Who was coordinating Zanu activities in Zambia at that time?
Cde Pedzisa: Cde Chitepo was the chairman and at the party offices there was Cde Gwauya. When we approached Cde Chitepo it was on a Friday. He told us that he was going to consult a few people and we should report back to him on the next Monday.
We went back on the Monday and he said the party had made arrangements to send us for training. On that day, Cde Tongogara was there with a Peugeot Station Wagon. They said they were taking us for military training as we had requested. We were about seven.
It was the late Chauke, Baba waJuru, he is still alive, Taruvinga and others I can’t remember now. We were taken to Chakabva’s farm. I think we were among the very few groups of comrades in Zambia who volunteered to go for military training. We later became known as the Group of 45 because 45 comrades later went for training.
From Chakabva’s farm, we were later taken to Tanzania where we got military training at Intumbi camp. This was a very long journey and we spent about a week at Tunduma Border Post between Zambia and Tanzania as our leaders sought clearance.
SM: This was a long journey. On this long journey how were you motivating each other? What were you talking about?
Cde Pedzisa: Throughout the journey, it was mob psychology. Singing and dancing so that we would not think too much. We spoke about where we were working and how the conditions were, but mainly it was singing and dancing. We also drank lots of beer on the way because we had few dollars and on some occasions, Cde Tongo would buy us beer and cigarettes.
When we got to Intumbi we were then welcomed by our instructors. I remember one of the instructors was Cde Nhamo. At Intumbi that’s when we got our Chimurenga names. You were given just the first name, then you look for your own surname.
So I was given the name John and they asked me what surname l would want and I said Pedzisa.
SM: Why the surname Pedzisa?
Cde Pedzisa: In my mind I was saying, we have been talking with the colonial regime for many years and now that we were getting military training, tava kuenda kunopedzisa hondo yakatangwa nanaMbuya Nehanda.
SM: Tell us briefly of the training at Mgagao.
Cde Pedzisa: Our training was a bit long because Zanu had spoken to the Chinese so that they could come and train us. The Chinese took their time to come but we were never told that we were waiting for the Chinese instructors. Before the Chinese arrived, we were taken through what I would call training yekunyebedzera.
We would be taken through drills, we would go to the shooting ranch and were taught how to use hand grenades. This training was not very rigorous. We went through this training for three months.
Then the Chinese instructors came and for another three months, we were put under real military training. We would wake up very early in the morning and go jogging for many kilometers. We would come back, have breakfast and go to classes where we got political orientation up to lunch time. After lunch, we would be dismissed waiting for the next day.
We were taught how to assemble a gun, the several types of guns, how to clean and use them. We were taught how to use hand grenades without injuring ourselves. We were taught how to lay land mines. We were taught how to go on a reconnaissance exercise and how to judge distance without getting close to the enemy.
The Chinese instructors would use their language then someone would translate so that we could understand the instructions. With the Chinese, the bulk of the time was left for politics. They emphasised that during guerrilla warfare, we could not win the war without support from the masses. They taught us kuti vabereki vanobatwa sei and how we were supposed to conduct ourselves to the masses.
The Chinese showed us how they fought their war with the Japanese and we learnt quite a lot.
SM: What would you say were some of the lessons from this training that helped you a lot during the liberation struggle?
Cde Pedzisa: The biggest lesson was how to relate with the masses. This helped me a lot when I got injured during one of the battles. The masses helped me otherwise I would have died or would have been captured.
After the three months with these Chinese instructors, we spent another three months as the party was trying to see how we could cross into Rhodesia because of the Zambezi River.
Zanu went and spoke with Frelimo in Mozambique to see if we could cross into Rhodesia from Mozambique and not Zambia. As we waited, the party said we are now training you to be instructors. The training was almost the same with the one we had got from the Chinese and at some point we said, no, enough is enough we now want to go and fight in Rhodesia.
We had received enough training and we were confident that we would give the Rhodesian forces a torrid time. Takanga tatononokerwa. One of the Chinese instructors was impressed by our courage to go and fight and asked his superiors to join us in our war. However, his superiors refused to grant him the permission. He cried as we left the camp.
SM: Who are some of the comrades who were in this group of 45?
Cde Pedzisa: There was the late Zvinavashe, Mayor Urimbo, Chauke, Chinamaropa and many others, I can’t remember their names.
Takazosiira camp vana Cde Rex Nhongo and Cde Josiah Tungamirai as they were coming for training. The day they arrived that’s the day we left the camp going to Kongwa transit camp still in Tanzania.
At Kongwa we were waiting for deployment and we would do light training in the morning. Our overall commander was Cde Mataure who was co-ordinating with the Tanzanians but among the group, the commander was Cde Gandamuseve. I was in the logistics department. We were at Kongwa from end of 1969 until sometime towards end of 1971 when we were deployed into Rhodesia.
SM: Tell us briefly exactly what would happen before deployment.
Cde Pedzisa: Before deployment, OAU would get involved and they knew how many comrades were to be deployed and their training. Using this information, the OAU would release the weapons we were supposed to use.
The weapons would be put into separate OAU trucks for each and every group. This was co-ordinated by the late Hashim Mbita from Tanzania and I tell you I don’t think Africa has thanked that man enough for the role he played during the liberation struggle. When I got injured, I was made Zanu representative at Mbeya in Tanzania and I tell you everything in terms of logistics went smoothly, thanks to Hashim Mbita.
So from Kongwa, we drove for several days tichimwa doro kwete mbichana. We were happy that finally we were going to fight the Smith regime. We were supposed to be taken to Chifombo but there were last minute changes and we were taken to Kaswende. Later we were taken to Chifombo.
On 21 December, 1971; that’s when we started carrying weapons from Chifombo walking for days going to Zambezi River. At this time, there were still no female comrades because they had not yet started joining the liberation struggle.
Our group of 45 had been joined by some comrades from Cde Nhongo’s group. We carried materiel (weapons) from December 1971 until towards end of 1972. Samora Machel, the late Mozambican leader saw us carrying this materiel and said, hamungapedzi kutakura materiel iyi because muri vashoma. Regai ndikupei povho yangu. He spoke in his language of course. We were then assisted by the povho from Mozambique to carry materiel to Zambezi River. During the first days, we would walk to Zambezi River for one week, but a few days later the same journey took us just three days.
The weather was extremely hot during these days and sometimes waiti wava kuita weti waiona ine ropa.
SM: What would one person be carrying?
Cde Pedzisa: Waitakura kasha yemabara – which was very heavy like 30kg, then cartoon of beans or beef, your blankets, spare shoes and then your gun. Others would carry the guns. Once we got to Zambezi, we would go to some village kwainzi kwaChamboko where we would pile up our material.
SM: When you say where we would pile up our materiel, some people may think there was some big warehouse. Explain to us where exactly you would put all the materiel?
Cde Pedzisa: We would find a suitable hideout where we would dig pits and put our material in there and cover any traces with tree leaves. These pits were our warehouse. We were using the Mozambican border side to walk to Chamboko village because during this time, Frelimo had managed to push the Portuguese soldiers further into the country.
As we were piling up our materiel, we used leaders in nearby villages to spread word in Rhodesia that we would soon be crossing into the country to fight the Smith regime. We wanted the povho to be ready to welcome us because according to the teachings of Mao, “we were the fish and the masses were the water.” As you know fish can’t survive where there is no water.
From Chamboko village, we later crossed into Rhodesia and carried our material to hideouts on Mavhuradhonha Mountain. We went on several trips to hide material in this mountain. Those who know Mavhuradhonha mountain know that its not easy to go up that mountain, especially when carrying something very heavy but our training had prepared us for this.
SM: As you were preparing for war carrying material, what did you believe in? Did you put all the preparations in the hands of God or vadzimu?
Cde Pedzisa: To be honest with you, when I went to the struggle I was young and blank about all these things. Of course we knew there was God and l am sure some of my comrades prayed to God.
But it was after our deployment that I started believing zvemudzimu. We saw homweyaMbuya Nehanda and we were told quite a number of things that guided us during the liberation struggle. Even as we were going up Mavhuradhonha mountain, we were taken up the mountain by Sekuru Chiwawa, a spirit medium from the area. For a whole week, Sekuru Chiwawa would wake up in the evening telling us kuti kana kwakanaka mangwana muchaona shiri. The next day we would wake up and indeed see this bird. This bird would not leave the area where we would be camped. In the evening, it would go and Sekuru Chiwawa would wake up and tell us that tomorrow, that bird won’t come but muchaona gudo ndiro ratichaswera naro. Mukasaona gudo iri hakuna kunaka. The next day we would wake up gudo ratovapo.
SM: Is this real or you are making up these stories to prove the importance of spirit mediums during the liberation struggle?
Cde Pedzisa: (Long pause, tears running down his eyes) Handizivi kuti vanhu veZimbabwe takaita sei. You know whites during the colonial days, they would carry loads and loads of food and give spirit mediums kuti vabike doro rekuti mvura inaye kuti vawane kurima. I am talking of whites here.
Now, we blacks we are in a free Zimbabwe, tarasa chivanhu chedu. Asi mubvakure aiziva kukosha kwechivanhu chedu. White people respected our spirit mediums more than us blacks. Ndine urombo maningi.
SM: When you talk of seeing Mbuya Nehanda some may fail to understand exactly what you mean. Can you elaborate further?
Cde Pedzisa: When we talk about Mbuya Nehanda, its like munhu anofa, kana ndafa ndochimuka pane mupenyu wekwangu ndava kuratidza gwara zvichienderana nezvekwandiri. So this is not the original Mbuya Nehanda but its someone who has the spirit of Mbuya Nehanda.
SM: So what was the name of this person who had the spirit of Mbuya Nehanda?
Cde Pedzisa: To be honest, I was not at the level to know such intricate things. I am sure people like Cde Bethune and Cde Khumalo who were close to issues surrounding Mbuya Nehanda would know better.
SM: Ok, so what did Mbuya Nehanda say to you comrades as you prepared to launch the Second Chimurenga?
Cde Pedzisa: She told us that vazukuru muri kusimudzira patakasiira. Saka ndichakupai makomborero angu. Asi makomborero aya ane mhiko. Mhiko yacho ndeyekuti hakuna zvekutamba nevasikana. Among our group, Cde Rex Nhongo (Cde Solomon Mujuru) was told kuti iwe une chidzimu chehondo saka usafe wakabatiswa kana chii zvacho chekuti ukwanise kurarama muhondo. Iwe wakagadzirwa une midzimu yako inokumiririra.
The rest of the group takapihwa chuma that we would wear every time and we were told never to remove this chuma. However, the biggest emphasis was on women. She stressed over and over again that we were not supposed to sleep with women during the struggle. But of course later, some comrades failed to follow this and indeed some got injured while others died.
SM: After making all the necessary preparations, take us through the journey when finally you were deployed to fight the colonial regime.
Cde Pedzisa: We were 23 freedom fighters in our platoon. The Smith regime had heard through rumours that we were now inside Rhodesia and the regime was alert. So we divided ourselves into four sections. I was leading my group, Tsanangura with his group, Masamba with his group and Marange with his group.
Masamba’s group was given the task to protect and distribute the ammunition on Mavhuradhonha mountain. The other three groups were the ones that were given the task to go and engage the regime. I went with my group kuChinzviro, near Altena Farm which was the home area of Sekuru Chiwawa.
Cde Rex and Cde Jake Chamunorwa were the overall commanders. They joined Tsanangura and Marange’s sections respectively.
We had agreed that now that the regime was aware that we were in the area, we would go into villages and each group was supposed to recruit two more comrades so that each section would have seven comrades instead of five.
So I went and recruited three comrades that we quickly trained right in the thick bushes. We trained them the basics of war, like how to take cover, how to shoot and how to retreat using the crawling method.
We also had agreed that we would identify targets and hit them simultaneously so that we would take the Rhodesian forces by surprise. So after making reconnaissance at Altena Farm, I waited with my group to hear my other comrades attacking their targets so that we would also start attacking the farm. While waiting, the Rhodesian forces near Mount Darwin knew we were in the area but they didn’t know exactly where we were. So I think they wanted to scare us, so they just started throwing bombs in the nearby mountains.
When I heard the bombings, I thought these were my fellow comrades who were now hitting their targets and we started hitting Altena Farm. This was in 1972.
SM: The story about the attack at Altena farm fascinates many people because it signalled the real start of the Second Chimurenga after the mishap in 1966 at the famous Chinhoyi battle. Take us through the reconnaissance and the attack. We want to know exactly how you did it.
Cde Pedzisa: Remember we were not going to raid an army here. This was just a farm where we wanted to announce to the regime that as freedom fighters we were now ready for war.
So when we got to the farm, the first thing we did was to try and cut the phone line to the house but we failed because we couldn’t climb up the pole. We went to the road leading to the house and planted three land mines along the road.
After this we took our positions and I instructed the comrade who was responsible for the bazooka to hit the house.
As we were pointing the bazooka to the house, we actually saw the white farmer walking inside the house. He must have suspected that we were close by his house. He was walking up and down the house showing panic. As he was doing that, we hit the house. We didn’t even know his name because that was not our concern. We didn’t even have the time to ask povho whether this whiteman and his family died because of the attack. There was no time for all that.
As leader of the group, I discovered on this day that munhu anokwanisa kuita chivindi asati asvika panzvimbo. The comrades who were responsible for the bazooka and land mines were shivering so much that I actually had to assist them do their duties. As I was assisting the comrade to fire the bazooka, I forgot to close my ears and when we fired, I think my eardrums were affected. Up to now I still have hearing problems from that incident.
After attacking the house, we then moved to the nearby shops and hit the shops again. Then we went to the workers compound and said come on, tauya kuhondo hendei mese. We then burnt down the compound. We took the workers by surprise and they started running all over the place and in that confusion, we disappeared.
Tisati taenda, takatora hwai from this farm and we went back with it to our base to celebrate this attack. This was just the beginning of the war and there was this excitement. We didn’t know at the war front, things don’t happen that way. In no time, the Rhodesian forces sent their helicopters to look for us and I tell you we had a torrid time.
SM: Take us through this torrid time.
Cde Pedzisa: I think from the helicopters, the Rhodesian soldiers could see us. I am not exactly sure, but it appeared as if the helicopters were pushing us in a certain direction and we didn’t think about it. We kept dodging and running not knowing that this was some trap.
We got to Hoya river and we almost walked into an ambush. I was walking at the back of the group when this surprise attack took place. My bazooka man was captured during this battle. He was called Chourombo.
The other comrade called Hopedzichirira escaped and I don’t know how but he found his war to the rear in Zambia. Of those three comrades we had trained at the front, two died during this battle. I was with another comrade, I can’t remember his name, we managed to take cover, crawl and escaped. The third recruit, I don’t know what happened to him but after independence I met him in Harare. I had forgotten him but he stopped me and identified himself. He told me that he survived by hiding along the river bank until the next day.
SM: Now you had come face to face with death. What went through your mind as you saw this reality?
Cde Pedzisa: To be honest, there was no time to think of other things. The game for now was survival and escaping. The Rhodesian forces wanted to make a statement kuti zvehondo hazviitwi to us and they were determined to kill all of us. After re-grouping, we would talk about how we survived.
We didn’t even have time yekuchema those comrades vanga vafa. Ndizvo zvaitika ndiyo hondo, famba zvakanaka comrade. We didn’t even bury these dead comrades because the Rhodesian forces were in hot pursuit.
SM: How exactly did you survive this battle?
Cde Pedzisa: Like I said, I was walking at the back of the group to make sure all the comrades were there. When the attack started, I had not yet arrived at this fire place, which in military terms is sometimes called the killing bag. So when the firing started, I quickly took cover and remained in that position for a while studying the area. The Rhodesian soldiers were also not sure of themselves so they quickly retreated and after a while I stood up and continued walking. I actually saw the dead comrades as I was walking past.
I think the Rhodesian forces were also excited that they had captured Cde Chourombo and that’s why they left hastily.
This other comrade I was left with had been injured, so I helped him as we walked. We were in the Mt Darwin area and I started using tree leaves and herbs to treat the wound.
After treating him for days tiri musango as we were walking, one of the days we met the group led by Masamba which was responsible for material.
These comrades are the ones who told me that there were some reinforcements from Zambia and there were more comrades coming to the war front. For three days, we were walking to the base where we had been told that these comrades were.
One of the days, takasvibirwa then we decided to sleep pane umwe musha. Very early the next day, we saw some oldman at a nearby river and we went to inquire from him how the situation was in the area. He told us that there were no Rhodesian forces in the area.
Mdara uyu aiva nehuchi and I started eating. My fellow comrade was given some dried fish and as he stood up to put the fish in his bag, he discovered that there were some Rhodesian forces walking towards us.
This comrade started running and they started firing in his direction. I fired back trying to stop them from firing at this comrade. In no time, I felt my knee going cold. I fell down and discovered that I had been hit by a bullet. I quickly started crawling and went into the river and started swimming. I could see the bullets hitting the water. I got under some tree that was hanging into the river and remained still. The shooting stopped and I remained in that position the whole day because I could see that the Rhodesian forces were still roaming the area.
In the evening, I came out of the river and crawled to a nearby thick bush and took cover there. My knee cap was gone and I was in excruciating pain.
SM: What happened to that old man?
Cde Pedzisa: I really don’t know. What I know is that my fellow comrade managed to escape and I didn’t have time to see kuti mdara uyu what happened to him. I am sure mdara uyu didn’t know what was happening and these Rhodesian forces were just walking by not knowing that we were in the area. But when my fellow comrade started running, that’s when they started firing.
SM: So what happened after you took cover at this bushy area?
Cde Pedzisa: The next morning, the Rhodesian forces came back to the area with helicopters. I saw them loading something into one of the helicopters and I think when I returned fire, I killed one or two of them and they had come to collect the bodies. I saw it all from this position.
They then made an extended line to comb the area and they started walking in my direction. One of the soldiers had a sniffer dog but fortunately he was a bit far away from where I was hiding. I crawled further into the thick bush and they walked past. My heart was pounding.
I still had my gun and was ready to fire if they had discovered me. Ndakanga ndakakoka kuti ndofa nevangu.
I remained in this position the whole day. In the evening, I started walking along the river. I was in excruciating pain. In the morning, I took cover and rested. I would only walk during the evening.
On the third day, that’s when I saw some cattle and knew that there must be some villages nearby. I walked to the village and they first prepared porridge for me. I managed to eat three teaspoons of porridge. They started treating my wound and later gave me sadza. Ndakangoita musova mitatu ndikati ndaguta. You know ukanyatsoita nzara chaizvo, you won’t eat lots of food.
These villagers said they were going to look for my other comrades in the area and when they made this suggestion I said yes, you should do so but as you do that I will find somewhere nearby in the bush to go and hide.
These villagers were afraid to keep me for long because they feared someone could sell them out and the Rhodesian forces were ruthless to anyone who assisted us. I remember the Rhodesian forces at one time vakasungirira munhu mupenyu pahelicopter and they flew the helicopter with this villager hanging. By the time the helicopter landed, the villager was dead. So this instilled fear into the villagers. After a day, the villagers took me to my fellow comrades on a bicycle.
SM: You are talking about moving from this place to that place but we are talking about moving in thick forests here. How were you coordinating all this?
Cde Pedzisa: Like I told you, during training, the Chinese taught us that we were the fish and the people were the water. The povho made the coordination easy. They were our means of communication. So you see mvura iri kufambisa fish.
The teachings of Mao say that akabata pfuti mudiki kupovho. It meant that whatever we were doing, we were supposed to put povho in front. As freedom fighters, we were servants of the people.
So when I was taken to my fellow comrades, that’s when I started receiving proper medication to my knee. Unfortunately, mushonga wacho had expired and the needle yacho yakanga isisabaye zvakanaka. Vaindibaya vachiita zvekutsindira kuti ipinde. That’s why up to this day, you can see gomba riri paknee pangu. (Showing the knee with tears running down his cheeks). Kubaiwa zvekuita kunge pfumo. I can’t and won’t forget the pain.
Later, these comrades told me that they had a letter from Cde Tongogara saying I should return to the rear in Zambia. I was carried on a stretcher, we used to call it wachanja, and taken to Zambezi river then crossed into Zambia.
SM: When you got to the rear, what happened?
Cde Pedzisa: I was taken to Cde Tongo who told me that the Zanu representative in Mbeya in Tanzania, Cde Kuraowone had passed on and I was supposed to replace him. I first got treatment in Zambia and when I got better, that’s when I was taken to Mbeya to become the Zanu representative. This was now in 1974. I was in Mbeya till 1976. In 1976, that’s when Mgagao camp was closed and Nachingweya camp was opened.
SM: As the Zanu representative in Mbeya, what were your duties?
Cde Pedzisa: I would receive recruits from Zambia and facilitate all their clearance and logistics before they proceeded to Mgagao. I would also do the same for the comrades leaving Mgagao going for deployment. There was also an armory at Mbeya and I liased with the OAU officials for all the logistics regarding ammunition.
SM: Some comrades have told us that so many disturbing things happened at Mbeya between Zanu and Zapu cadres. Did you see this during your time there?
Cde Pedzisa: I didn’t see this during my time there but what I can tell you is that I was in good books with my Zapu representative at Mbeya. Its unfortunate I can’t remember his name. However, I don’t want to say nothing of that sort happened. It’s possible it happened.
Mbeya was a transit camp and it’s possible some bad things could have happened without us knowing.
From Mbeya, I went to Mozambique in 1976. I was later made Camp Commander at Doroi which was near Chimoio camp in Mozambique. At Doroi we would receive recruits from home and vet them to see those who had the qualities to be sent for military training.
By this time, thousands of people were joining the struggle and we had to vet them strictly.
Cde Tsuro was my security man. Machokoto was ku education. There were others but I can’t remember their names. We had several departments, like logistics, medics and so on that were under my command.
We were given food by the OAU through the Mozambican government. I was at Doroi for just a year, that’s until 1977.
From Doroi I went to Tembwe until 1978. I was later made the commissar at Tembwe with Cde Makasha as the commander. In 1979, I was transferred to Maputo because of my seniority but still as commissar.
I need to tell you that it was in Mozambique when many recruits kept coming that comrades started falling in love. As commissar ndakatochatisa vakawanda.
SM: Really, how would you do it?
Cde Pedzisa: There was no rice and all that pomp and fun fair. The couples would come to me and I ask each one of them kuti iwe une chokwadi here kuti uyu wamuda? If they all say yes, yes, I would make them sign on paper and that was their marriage certificate. I would remain with this certificate.
SM: Briefly tell us of the role of the commissar during those days?
Cde Pedzisa: Commissar ndiye anodzidzisa gwara rechinhu chese chinenge chichida kuitwa. The main role was to politicize people and make them understand why and how the struggle was being carried out.
We would teach the comrades how to relate with povho, remember the song Kune Nzira Dzemasoja. It talks about how a comrade should behave and relate to the masses. The masses were never supposed to fear macomrades. A commissar convinces people through talking to them with respect. Zanu was formed to free the masses. It’s unfortunate that some comrades who were trained later didn’t receive proper political orientation leading to stories of abuse of povho. Hondo yakanga yakura so control was also now a problem.
SM: So after the liberation struggle, where did you go?
Cde Pedzisa: After the death of Cde Tongo, we were selected by Cde Rex Nhongo together with 11 other commanders and our deputies to come into Rhodesia to oversee our assembly points. Later, Cde Nhongo withdrew me from these commanders after he realised that I had an injury. My knee had not yet completely healed. I remained in Maputo.
We later came to Zimbabwe the day President Mugabe came back. Our plane was the first one to arrive then the one carrying President Mugabe later arrived.
We went and stayed in Highlands. I was later arrested after I addressed some Zanu meeting because police was saying we had not sought clearance. Some Zanu youths protested but I spent one week in prison. During this time, some people thought I had died because the Smith regime was secretly killing comrades during these days. I was later transferred to Masvingo still as commissar until elections, where I was arrested again and released after a week.
This was in 1980, and the Rhodesians were using intimidation to scare us from campaigning for Zanu.
Every year that Zimbabwe celebrates Independence, there is a particularly interesting observation to note.
It seems many younger white people are hesitant to overtly wish their nation a happy Independence Day.
This is not due to any ill-intent or longing that Zimbabwe’s actuality of independence was otherwise; rather, the hesitance more closely reflects a sentiment of uncertainty as to whether or not younger white people can claim to be part of this nation.
It is important to clarify that by younger white people, there is a loose emphasis towards individuals born after 1980 or those who would typically be classified as youth in conventional “indigenous” reference.
The rhetoric on which our ideology of empowerment and socio-economic transformation has been carried over the past two decades has often lacked any context on which to reflect on the identity of a white minority in Zimbabwe; especially its youth demographic.
Indeed, by overlooking such a contextualisation, we have left our ideology vulnerable to interpretations that it is one of exclusion, in effect making it a baneful ideology through reverse marginalisation of minorities.
It is always incumbent on the pursuer of an ideology to construct and protect its understanding.
So, by omitting any relation of minorities to our ideology, we are culpable for any festering misconceptions that may grow around it.
Based on an astute differentiation made by Insead Professor Petriglieri, Zimbabwe’s ideology is one of a civilisation and not tribe.
A civilisation is inclusive of a diverse citizenship that abides to a chosen way of life that is guided by progressive ideology.
A tribe is exclusive.
What Zimbabwe must exude is a confidence that our pursuit of empowerment and socio-economic transformation is meant to be achieved through mechanisms of inclusion, not exclusion or removal.
By empowering a once marginalised and disadvantaged black majority, we are not intending to disempower minorities.
By socio-economic transformation, we do not mean the removal or expropriation of a minority from economic activity and ownership.
We mean transforming the racial representation in both economic activity and ownership.
Because we have strayed from deliberating on this sort of definitive interpretation of our ideology’s intent, we have suffered accordingly in structuring the mechanisms of execution.
It is not feasible to achieve our desired outcomes for the once oppressed majority whilst overlooking any consequence to minorities.
Just as important as it is to assess progress made for the black majority, regular cognisance must be given to the socio-economic effects towards a white minority. Otherwise we would be falling victim to a naïve imagination that an economy can prosper as a zero sum game.
That is never the case!
As such, it would be ill-informed to also perceive this topic as merely an ethical search for a higher morality when, in fact, it is much more about the prosperous continuity of our economy.
I will highlight a few instances where we can benefit from finding a context for white minorities.
Firstly, both our governance and business agents highlight the need for more FDI inflows into the country.
We emphasise a non-discriminatory approach to attracting investment.
However, on the understanding that we are not solely seeking black capital, our inviting gestures do not appear sincere and credible when we cannot offer clarity on where white people fit into our own socio-economic aspirations.
If Zimbabwe was a creditor country looking to invest in another nation, would we not be hesitant to put our money in a country where we are uncertain as to whether or not black people have a role to play in its socio-economic ideals, let alone are given a cherished identity in that country?
While foreign investors will not overtly offer us such veracity, significant hesitation by foreigners to invest in Zimbabwe is due to lacking clarity on the identity and role of our white minorities.
This point goes beyond political perception but simple social comfort for investors.
Secondly, there remains plenty of space for multi-racial economic discussion if we are to achieve a better economic circumstance.
It was unfortunate that earlier on this year in South Africa, when a white economist at a leading investment bank aired a few suggestions on racial economic contribution, the immediate response was to shut him out of public discourse and reprimand him for what were perceived as intolerant views.
Granted, an audience interprets content to varying degrees, I worry that by excluding white people from difficult economic conversations only serves to distance an economy from the kind of responsible discourse that leads to potent solutions.
In our case, it would be desirable to have regular white views on how we can advance our socio-economic ideals from multi-racial perspectives.
This moderation is necessary because very important sectors in Zimbabwe today are still held back by covert conduct of racial preference and mistrust.
There is voluntary segregation in certain sectors.
As a result, these sectors have distorted markets and inefficient value chains due to a lack of coherence by economic agents of different race and ethnicity.
However, while I’d like space for greater racial diversity, white contributors must accept our chosen ideology and act as proponents for its fair and equal distribution — without leveraging on our stumbles to advance regressive intentions motivated by nostalgic sentiments.
A bonus consideration is that a white minority will always remain relevant, and the need to create an identity for it within our ideology will be a recurring concern in the distant future.
This is a matter we cannot neglect.
For instance, there is already a significant legislative quandary as the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act generalises the definition of previously-disadvantaged.
A growing aspect of IMF’s Staff Monitored Programme will be compensation to white former farmers.
As globalisation continues and Zimbabwe hopes to be an open economy, the contribution, or lack thereof, from minorities will either be an advantage or a weakness.
To face these queries, Zimbabwe must take responsibility and own the discourse of minority identity within our ideology!
If such an existence is to ever seem tolerable and justified in any manner, we would have succumbed to demagoguery exploitation of our primal insecurities, and in such a case, we would only be a fraction of who we are as a nation.
Finance and Economic Minister Patrick Chinamasa does not talk often.
He appears to be the kind of person who prefers to get on with what is admittedly a very tough job.
When he does speak, it is usually to update the nation on his unenviable job of balancing national priorities.
We carry a short but profound statement from the minister in our main story this week.
And it carries a message that many sections of our media in Zimbabwe have failed to understand.
“You need, as media, not to focus on the negative. There are companies, through fiscal processes, which we have revived here in Zimbabwe.
“You don’t report on them. Something is the matter with us Zimbabweans. We are a very unhappy people, always complaining.
“Let’s try and see whether we can try to give focus on the positive issues. There are a lot of steps that we have taken to move the economy forward and quite clearly now, we are on the right course. The results will show; in fact they are beginning to show.”
It is a good news message that merchants of doom and anarchy are not interested in.
The strange thing is that the same people who hope for gloom live in Zimbabwe and will suffer the consequences of a failed economy.
The matter is quite simple.
The more we belittle our country and the efforts at economic recovery that are being made, the more we scare away capital.
It is a self-reinforcing decline mentality that does not find room for expression in progressive countries.
Instead of encouraging growth, we would rather discourage people from investing in Zimbabwe.
There are several positives that we should be focusing our energies on, even as we find ways of dealing with the negatives.
For instance, Government recently reached an agreement worth US$2 billion for the Beitbridge-Chirundu Highway.
Instead, some people want to harp on about an illusory US$2 billion “Marshal Plan for Zimbabwe” that the United States will only make available when President Mugabe is pushed out of office and Morgan Tsvangirai is installed in his place.
It is an old story that has no grounding in reality.
The real story, the story that has a grounding in reality is that US$2 billion is going towards a single road.
In any country in the world, a US$2 billion investment in a single project is a huge matter.
We are talking of US$2 billion in a country whose National Budget is less than US$5 billion.
And this is US$2 billion that is coming with President Mugabe as President and not as an inducement from the United States to compromise our national interests.
It is not just this US$2 billion project that is taking off in Zimbabwe.
As we also report in The Sunday Mail this week, Industry Minister Mike Bimha is saying industrial capacity utilisation is rising.
Companies are turning around on the back of both their own innovations as well as Government interventions and support.
And even as some sections of the media cry on behalf of foreign companies that indigenisation and empowerment regulations will see firms shutting down, those very same corporate bodies are complying with the law of the land.
What sense is there in saying the law will kill the economy when the companies primarily concerned with compliance and Government are finding each other?
It can only mean that those sections of the media are hoping that the economy will collapse.
To what end? Only they know.
We are not saying Zimbabwe’s economy is perfect. Far from it.
There is much that needs to be done, much that needs correction.
But all that will not be achieved by anti-Zimbabwe reporting that does nothing to advance the national interest of socio-economic transformation.
Rangu Nyamurundira Brigadier-General (Retired) Asher Walter Tapfumaneyi’s proposal to arrange a heart-to-heart conversation between national liberation war veterans and young people is timely.
The Secretary for Welfare Services for War Veterans, War Collaborators, Ex-Political Detainees and Restrictees extended this refreshing invitation in two articles “New empowerment strategy in the works” and “Let’s have conversation between generations”, both published in The Sunday Mail on Independence Eve.
“We are now in the second phase of the liberation struggle where we are fighting on the economic front. To the young people, let us have a conversation, a dialogue between generations. We are a generation that remembers, a generation that fought the liberation war and there is a lot to learn from us.”
That was the statement, one that resonated across the Zimbabwean family.
And I venture to add that the heart-to-heart must remedy an alienated common purpose for “total Independence” between the generation of Zimbabwe’s political liberators and the post-Independence generation that must comprise tomorrow’s economic war veterans.
We are 36 years into political independence and in the heat of our struggle for economic liberation.
It is a unique struggle that requires the same spirit of sacrifice exhibited by our heroes of the First and Second Chimurengas.
Back then, imperialists used bullets and bombs, but the threat we face today derives from economic sanctions and neo-colonialism.
The battlefield demands unique weaponry: Expertise in commerce, industry and entrepreneurship.
The reality that must be acknowledged, though, is that Zimbabwe has capacitated its young people to become economic foot soldiers since Independence in 1980.
We are the young people who have been groomed through a rigorous education policy introduced by Zanu-PF, the political party our war heroes belong to.
However, something seems wrong here.
The bridging conversation between experience and an educated and expectant youth has only been a whisper into a debilitated economic revolution.
The unspoken emotion has only been let out via loud noises from frustrated young people who are unable to utilise their economic intellect and innovation.
Zimbabwe has so far failed to effectively transform dormant youth potential into “investment grade persons” as advocated by Youth, Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Minister Patrick Zhuwao under the Zimbabwe Youth Empowerment Strategy for Investment.
How many young people — despite all our capabilities — are given an opportunity to serve their nation in high Government offices, or to lead parastatals that have otherwise been stripped bare by recycled board members and chief executives?
Some have had to stand aside while the so-called captains of industry presided over private sector corruption while killing new ideas and innovation.
Most of the world is investing economically in young people who have fed their national economies with zest, ideas and innovation worth millions.
Zimbabwe’s young potential then serves those same foreign economies that impose sanctions and impoverish our Mother Land.
Have no doubt, we yearn for our moment to serve Zimbabwe and secure its prosperous future.
That is the “heart-to-heart” we must have in this 11th hour of our economic revolution when Zimbabwe’s fledgling indigenous economy must be condemned to darkness or nurtured in the dawn.
President Mugabe has consistently stated that young people must be the vanguard of our nation’s “total independence”.
Let the record be straight: No one despises/hates war veterans and their sacrifice.
Ours, rather, is a frustration at not being given our moment to use whatever know-how Zimbabwe has imparted to us to secure and guard her economic interests.
Young people cannot hate what defines them.
I, for one, derive my name from a grandfather whose life was lost in the liberation struggle as did his youngest son.
I never met them, yet the ideology that inspired their sacrifice speaks to and defines me today.
I remember when national heroine Amai Victoria Chitepo would walk into our church at All Souls Mission. From a distance, I, as many other young people did, watched with reverence, our aspirations reassured by her mere presence.
Such is their quality, this calibre of our war heroes and heroines, the serenity of their being is inspiration to our new generation’s purpose.
It is that quality that has young people fixated with President Mugabe, listening to his words of wisdom that reassure them that he has their backs even when they march into economic revolution.
That conversation, Rtd Brigadier-General Tapfumaneyi, is one that must speak to the potential of Zimbabwe’s young people, how we can be nurtured to unlock our potential and direct our positive energies towards our common economic fight.
The heart-to-heart must be for the future of young Zimbabwe, but only inasmuch as such a future is guaranteed by experience.
This gives the future a solid foundation and roots to thrive.
We are a young people drafting an empowerment strategy for investment; for the economy of Zimbabwe.
As such, we look forward to a conversation between generations. We owe it to Zimbabwe.
Rangu Nyamurundira is a lawyer and indigenisation and economic empowerment consultant. His views do not necessarily reflect or represent the views of any institution with which he is associated
CORRUPTION has in recent years adversely impacted on the economy, resulting in President Mugabe enunciating a 10-Point Plan for Economic Growth whose ninth aspect focuses on the need for the country to pursue an aggressive anti-graft campaign.
Although highly disputed by officials in Zimbabwe, figures released by Transparency International in its annual corruption index last year ranked Zimbabwe 150 out of 167 countries in the world in terms of the prevalence of the vice.
But whether we agree with the rankings or not does not matter. The fact is that what has been created is a negative perception about Zimbabwe’s business environment and this is what we must deal with.
Still fresh in many minds is the looting of diamonds in Chiadzwa, with President Mugabe saying as much as US$15 billion could have been lost in just a single decade.
With an annual National Budget of US$4,3 billion, one can only wonder what US$15 billion could have done for the country.
The money could certainly have made a significant impact on an economy currently plagued by a cash shortages and other challenges ranging from inadequate medical drugs in public health institutions and low funding for critical sectors like agriculture.
The fiasco around the US$15 billion has now been hijacked by anti-Government agents and functionaries who now see this as a Lazarus moment for them to revive their fading political fortunes.
As such, Government needs to swiftly take corrective measures to undo the negative perceptions that are being spread around the world about doing business in Zimbabwe.
It will certainly reassure the people that Government is committed to tackling corruption and delivering on economic transformation promises as contained in Zim-Asset.
There have been some efforts to nip corruption in the bud.
A forensic audit currently being done by the Ministry of Mines and Mining Development is expected to expose what happened to the diamonds mined between 2006 and 2015 in Chiadzwa.
Once the culprits are identified, those responsible should be severely punished. There can be no sacred cows when it comes to matters of national interest.
Lessons on dealing with corruption can be drawn from China where President Xi Jinping’s political brand has been strengthened by a vicious clampdown on corruption.
President Xi has not minced his words, nor been hesitant in acting, against both “tigers and flies”, a reference to both high-level and low-ranking officials.
His campaign has seen to the imprisonment of 100 high-level officials including chief executives of state-owned companies and four national leaders.
In Zimbabwe, Government’s anti-corruption efforts have been seen in the appointment of the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission led by Dr Job Wabhira after the organisation had gone for two years without commissioners.
President Mugabe’s Office has taken it upon itself to oversee this important brief after the previous commission was largely viewed as a toothless bulldog.
While some CEOs of public enterprises and other top officials have been sacked for corruption, very little has been done to make the culprits pay back the money or even spend a day in jail.
This has created the impression that people can loot and the worst thing they will face is dismissal. They can keep their ill-gotten goods while the rest of the nation suffers because of their selfish and illegal actions.
Audit reports of State-owned companies have confirmed that procurement procedures have been flouted, in the process creating “tenderprenuers” who are making a killing through inflating prices and delivering sub-standard goods and services.
The public officials have been accused of wantonly pampering themselves with cars and housing loans much to the detriment of service delivery.
It is abundantly clear that the siphoning of state resources by a few elite responsible for running State-owned companies is affecting the economy, hence President Mugabe’s call to pursue the anti-corruption thrust to save the economy from the rot.
At the end of the day people must be held accountable for their actions. A whole country cannot perpetually pay for the misdeeds of a few rotten apples.
It is in the national interest to clean up Zimbabwe’s image not only to attract sustainable foreign direct investment, but also because it is simply the right thing to do.
